Page 188 - Mellinato, Giulio, and Aleksander Panjek. Eds. 2022. Complex Gateways. Labour and Urban History of Maritime Port Cities: The Northern Adriaticin a Comparative Perspective. Koper: University of Primorska Press.
P. 188
plex Gateways
the backdrop for this development. As early as the mid-1920s, the gradu-
al process of de-politicization and a ‘boost of individualization’ by over-
powering companies and powerless unions set in (Weinhauer 1994, 265).
Under the National Socialists, the ‘breakup of oppositional workers’ par-
ties and organizations’ was pushed forward (Weinhauer 1997, 417), and
the collective capacity to act steadily decreased.
This especially shows in the narratives about the meaning of the syn-
dicate. One must consider the role of the trade union ÖTV in the con-
text of post-war developments. The ÖTV was concerned with ensur-
ing a stable situation for smooth port handling and mediating between
employers and employees. Therefore, the policy of the ÖTV often drew
criticism. In many cases, the union’s approaches were portrayed as too
employer-friendly, its attitude as too appeasing and barely confronta-
tional (Geffken 2015, 126). Although various political groups such as the
Communist Federation (KB) and the Communist Party of Germany/
Marxist-Leninists (KPD/ML) were active in the port in the 1970s, the
narrations gave no opinions about these groups. Although all interview-
ees stated that they had been members of the trade union, this was due
more to tradition than political conviction. Many say that they left the
ÖTV at the latest when they retired. Some have mixed feelings about the
institution, arguing that they did not see their interests adequately rep-
resented. Others do not express an explicit opinion and remark that they
joined it because everybody did back then, and because the GHB as an
employer insisted on it. Uli Amling, who was a permanent employee in
a stevedoring company, explains that, despite some doubts, he felt the
ÖTV represented his interests well: ‘While in between I resigned from the
syndicate, I joined it again later, because it kind of gives you a safe feeling.
Because you know you can get help if something goes wrong. But I never
made use’ (Uli Amling, 1949). In response to my question as to how many
of the permanent employees in private companies were involved in trade
union activities, the former general manager Anton Ermer expresses an
exact position: ‘Well, in these companies it was actually rather low. Far
less than 50%. Why? We paid above tariff. We always motivated our peo-
ple so much that when there was a strike they didn’t participate’ (Anton
Ermer, 1940). Because of the high wages, political disputes lost their im-
portance. However, Ermer also hints at a kind of pressure exerted from
the employers.
188
the backdrop for this development. As early as the mid-1920s, the gradu-
al process of de-politicization and a ‘boost of individualization’ by over-
powering companies and powerless unions set in (Weinhauer 1994, 265).
Under the National Socialists, the ‘breakup of oppositional workers’ par-
ties and organizations’ was pushed forward (Weinhauer 1997, 417), and
the collective capacity to act steadily decreased.
This especially shows in the narratives about the meaning of the syn-
dicate. One must consider the role of the trade union ÖTV in the con-
text of post-war developments. The ÖTV was concerned with ensur-
ing a stable situation for smooth port handling and mediating between
employers and employees. Therefore, the policy of the ÖTV often drew
criticism. In many cases, the union’s approaches were portrayed as too
employer-friendly, its attitude as too appeasing and barely confronta-
tional (Geffken 2015, 126). Although various political groups such as the
Communist Federation (KB) and the Communist Party of Germany/
Marxist-Leninists (KPD/ML) were active in the port in the 1970s, the
narrations gave no opinions about these groups. Although all interview-
ees stated that they had been members of the trade union, this was due
more to tradition than political conviction. Many say that they left the
ÖTV at the latest when they retired. Some have mixed feelings about the
institution, arguing that they did not see their interests adequately rep-
resented. Others do not express an explicit opinion and remark that they
joined it because everybody did back then, and because the GHB as an
employer insisted on it. Uli Amling, who was a permanent employee in
a stevedoring company, explains that, despite some doubts, he felt the
ÖTV represented his interests well: ‘While in between I resigned from the
syndicate, I joined it again later, because it kind of gives you a safe feeling.
Because you know you can get help if something goes wrong. But I never
made use’ (Uli Amling, 1949). In response to my question as to how many
of the permanent employees in private companies were involved in trade
union activities, the former general manager Anton Ermer expresses an
exact position: ‘Well, in these companies it was actually rather low. Far
less than 50%. Why? We paid above tariff. We always motivated our peo-
ple so much that when there was a strike they didn’t participate’ (Anton
Ermer, 1940). Because of the high wages, political disputes lost their im-
portance. However, Ermer also hints at a kind of pressure exerted from
the employers.
188
