Page 198 - Mellinato, Giulio, and Aleksander Panjek. Eds. 2022. Complex Gateways. Labour and Urban History of Maritime Port Cities: The Northern Adriaticin a Comparative Perspective. Koper: University of Primorska Press.
P. 198
plex Gateways
in time’ and ‘lean production’, which cancelled the need for stocks and
warehouses in their production organization, would probably not have
been able to respond to consumer requests if transportation times had
not been reduced (Sampson and Wu 2003, 123–4).
During the time that has passed since Ideal X’s voyage and the dif-
fusion of container transport, haulage companies have equipped them-
selves to take advantage of the new system and their customers have
similarly adapted to the new logistics. To match the change, ports have
expanded and developed the relevant areas to accommodate and sort ship
loads. Furthermore, they have strengthened rail and road connections.
Moreover, the most recent trend towards naval gigantism in the so-
called ‘container revolution’ must also be noted: a course taken to favour
economies of scale and contain operating costs. However, the increase
in the size of container ships – and the speed with which this change
has taken place – affect the entire logistics chain. Substantial investment
is required to adapt the relevant infrastructures and to update working
procedures and practices so that they can cope with considerable work
peaks. In addition, the greater cargo volume of mega ships can result in
congestion in the hinterland (International Transport Forum 2015, 54–5).
In addition to the global crisis that started in 2008, the close rela-
tionship between the evolution of traffic and the port labour market has
influenced the work in the ports examined in this research, i.e. Trieste
and Koper. Analysing true port work, namely docking, unloading, and
loading of goods, we observe how, while in many productive sectors the
economic and financial crisis has caused a drastic increase in unemploy-
ment and the closure of many companies, in the ports considered, it has
accentuated the changes already underway by changing the type of work
required of the workers. This work, as the dockers say, is determined by
the ship, meaning that shipping, handling and logistics companies, trans-
port operators, and shippers impose certain logistical demands on ports
and terminals and these requests are conditioned by the characteristics
and needs of the several supply chains. Port terminals must meet these
market needs if they want to acquire cargo on a lasting basis and stimu-
late economic growth within the port and in the immediate hinterland.
The following scheme, developed by Theo Notteboom, presents a concep-
tual framework on dock labour (Notteboom 2010, 29):
As can be seen, the operators of global logistics require dock work-
ers to increase the productivity of their work by reducing indirect costs
198
in time’ and ‘lean production’, which cancelled the need for stocks and
warehouses in their production organization, would probably not have
been able to respond to consumer requests if transportation times had
not been reduced (Sampson and Wu 2003, 123–4).
During the time that has passed since Ideal X’s voyage and the dif-
fusion of container transport, haulage companies have equipped them-
selves to take advantage of the new system and their customers have
similarly adapted to the new logistics. To match the change, ports have
expanded and developed the relevant areas to accommodate and sort ship
loads. Furthermore, they have strengthened rail and road connections.
Moreover, the most recent trend towards naval gigantism in the so-
called ‘container revolution’ must also be noted: a course taken to favour
economies of scale and contain operating costs. However, the increase
in the size of container ships – and the speed with which this change
has taken place – affect the entire logistics chain. Substantial investment
is required to adapt the relevant infrastructures and to update working
procedures and practices so that they can cope with considerable work
peaks. In addition, the greater cargo volume of mega ships can result in
congestion in the hinterland (International Transport Forum 2015, 54–5).
In addition to the global crisis that started in 2008, the close rela-
tionship between the evolution of traffic and the port labour market has
influenced the work in the ports examined in this research, i.e. Trieste
and Koper. Analysing true port work, namely docking, unloading, and
loading of goods, we observe how, while in many productive sectors the
economic and financial crisis has caused a drastic increase in unemploy-
ment and the closure of many companies, in the ports considered, it has
accentuated the changes already underway by changing the type of work
required of the workers. This work, as the dockers say, is determined by
the ship, meaning that shipping, handling and logistics companies, trans-
port operators, and shippers impose certain logistical demands on ports
and terminals and these requests are conditioned by the characteristics
and needs of the several supply chains. Port terminals must meet these
market needs if they want to acquire cargo on a lasting basis and stimu-
late economic growth within the port and in the immediate hinterland.
The following scheme, developed by Theo Notteboom, presents a concep-
tual framework on dock labour (Notteboom 2010, 29):
As can be seen, the operators of global logistics require dock work-
ers to increase the productivity of their work by reducing indirect costs
198
