Page 39 - Mellinato, Giulio, and Aleksander Panjek. Eds. 2022. Complex Gateways. Labour and Urban History of Maritime Port Cities: The Northern Adriaticin a Comparative Perspective. Koper: University of Primorska Press.
P. 39
Assistance to Ships and Cargo Handling in the Early Modern Port of Genoa
were then sold internationally and, in some cases – such as for paper –
even in the New World (Massa Piergiovanni 1995, 43–69). From a quanti-
tative point of view, grain imports were crucial to the survival of the pop-
ulation and were the most important commodity unloaded in the port
of Genoa. The Black Sea markets, the Kingdom of Naples and Provence
had for long not only been the main grain suppliers but also important
trade centres on behalf of third parties, a business that had always char-
acterized the merchant navy of the Republic of Genoa. Since the end of
the sixteenth century, ships carrying grains would arrive from northern
Europe, thus contributing to radically changing the merchant routes of
the Genoese port. The prevalence of grain transport over other commod-
ities reached its peak in the 1620s, when this type of cargo would account
for up to 43% of all the ships calling in Genoa. In the following decades,
it would decrease to around 25–30% (Grendi 1971, 24; Grendi 1973, 170–1).
Between the end of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth
century, similar traffic trends were recorded. Most of the goods handled
in the port were imported products, still mainly timber and food. At the
same time, packaged goods increased considerably, reaching up to 10,000
tons per year (Doria 1988, 137–40). Only as late as the 1770s was a signif-
icant growth in overall trade recorded. However, this positive trend was
not prompted by any significant increase in domestic demand, but rather
by the increment in foreign demand resulting from re-established peace
in Europe, as well as by trade with the Levant picking up (Doria 1988,
162–5).
The last three competitive factors to be taken into account (political/
institutional context, degree of openness towards foreigners, and effi-
ciency in conflict management and resolution) are closely interconnected
and therefore can be examined together. Commercial relations were un-
doubtedly favoured by Genoa’s political-institutional context and its neu-
trality policies. Also, the state government was firmly in the hands of the
city’s aristocracy, i.e. the same people who were managing a vast network
of both financial and mercantile businesses stretching out to the rest of
Europe. This is also the reason why public and private interests would
perfectly coincide when economic policies had to be formulated. Because
of this very situation, the port could be managed with great autonomy
and efficiency. Two main Magistrature (authorities) – Padri del Comune and
Conservatori del Mare – were in charge of the port, with well-defined re-
sponsibilities. Financially, the port was partially supported by Casa di San
39
were then sold internationally and, in some cases – such as for paper –
even in the New World (Massa Piergiovanni 1995, 43–69). From a quanti-
tative point of view, grain imports were crucial to the survival of the pop-
ulation and were the most important commodity unloaded in the port
of Genoa. The Black Sea markets, the Kingdom of Naples and Provence
had for long not only been the main grain suppliers but also important
trade centres on behalf of third parties, a business that had always char-
acterized the merchant navy of the Republic of Genoa. Since the end of
the sixteenth century, ships carrying grains would arrive from northern
Europe, thus contributing to radically changing the merchant routes of
the Genoese port. The prevalence of grain transport over other commod-
ities reached its peak in the 1620s, when this type of cargo would account
for up to 43% of all the ships calling in Genoa. In the following decades,
it would decrease to around 25–30% (Grendi 1971, 24; Grendi 1973, 170–1).
Between the end of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth
century, similar traffic trends were recorded. Most of the goods handled
in the port were imported products, still mainly timber and food. At the
same time, packaged goods increased considerably, reaching up to 10,000
tons per year (Doria 1988, 137–40). Only as late as the 1770s was a signif-
icant growth in overall trade recorded. However, this positive trend was
not prompted by any significant increase in domestic demand, but rather
by the increment in foreign demand resulting from re-established peace
in Europe, as well as by trade with the Levant picking up (Doria 1988,
162–5).
The last three competitive factors to be taken into account (political/
institutional context, degree of openness towards foreigners, and effi-
ciency in conflict management and resolution) are closely interconnected
and therefore can be examined together. Commercial relations were un-
doubtedly favoured by Genoa’s political-institutional context and its neu-
trality policies. Also, the state government was firmly in the hands of the
city’s aristocracy, i.e. the same people who were managing a vast network
of both financial and mercantile businesses stretching out to the rest of
Europe. This is also the reason why public and private interests would
perfectly coincide when economic policies had to be formulated. Because
of this very situation, the port could be managed with great autonomy
and efficiency. Two main Magistrature (authorities) – Padri del Comune and
Conservatori del Mare – were in charge of the port, with well-defined re-
sponsibilities. Financially, the port was partially supported by Casa di San
39
