Page 128 - Panjek, Aleksander, Jesper Larsson and Luca Mocarelli, eds. 2017. Integrated Peasant Economy in a Comparative Perspective: Alps, Scandinavia and Beyond. Koper: University of Primorska Press
P. 128
integr ated peasant economy in a compar ative perspective
ber of farms increased by 126% in Kumla, it increased by only 56% in Kin-
nevald, and it actually decreased by 6% in Valkebo. In Kumla, the num-
ber of farmsteads decreased by 20% within the following 100 years (Rosén
1994). This development was very typical for southern Sweden, where a pro-
cess of amalgamation of farmsteads started in the mid-18th century. Similar
to the trend in Kumla, the number of farmsteads decreased in many plac-
es by around 20% (Winberg 1975; Olai 1983; Peterson 1989; Ulväng 2004).
The changes in the number of farmsteads in northern Sweden was
quite different from the changes in the south, even though there were simi-
larities, such as the extensive division of farms up to 1750 in both regions. In
some regions, farm division was slower in the north, whereas it was more
rapid in other northern regions. For example, the increase in farm division
in Rättvik Parish in Dalarna was around 200% from early 17th century to
1750 (J. Larsson 2009). The large difference between southern and northern
Sweden was due to the development of an integrated peasant economy after
1750. While farm amalgamation occurred in the south, farm division con-
tinued in the north.
The development after 1750 was characterised by an increase in popu-
lation, a more intense use of natural resources, and an expanding agricul-
ture production that utilised every corner of the landscape. This, in turn,
created local and regional demands for commodities and tools. At the same
time, there was an external demand for products and services. Supply and
demand were in place to create and develop an integrated peasant econo-
my.
3. Local specialisation and market integration
The expansion of this integrated peasant economy can be divided into two
phases. In the first phase, up to the first half of the 17th century, a more in-
tense use of the commons took place, and production of charcoal and fi-
rewood were important and expanded rapidly. This development coinci-
ded with the expansion of a transhumance system and more efficient and
intensive agriculture production. In the second phase, the production of
charcoal and fire wood continued, but to protect the commons from overu-
se, access and withdrawal rights had to be restricted, and the peasants de-
veloped institutions for management in the 17th and 18th centuries (J. Lar-
sson 2016). The commons continued to play an important role by providing
raw materials for much of the secondary production, and peasants incre-
ased the production of tools and commodities for the market. To ease the
126
ber of farms increased by 126% in Kumla, it increased by only 56% in Kin-
nevald, and it actually decreased by 6% in Valkebo. In Kumla, the num-
ber of farmsteads decreased by 20% within the following 100 years (Rosén
1994). This development was very typical for southern Sweden, where a pro-
cess of amalgamation of farmsteads started in the mid-18th century. Similar
to the trend in Kumla, the number of farmsteads decreased in many plac-
es by around 20% (Winberg 1975; Olai 1983; Peterson 1989; Ulväng 2004).
The changes in the number of farmsteads in northern Sweden was
quite different from the changes in the south, even though there were simi-
larities, such as the extensive division of farms up to 1750 in both regions. In
some regions, farm division was slower in the north, whereas it was more
rapid in other northern regions. For example, the increase in farm division
in Rättvik Parish in Dalarna was around 200% from early 17th century to
1750 (J. Larsson 2009). The large difference between southern and northern
Sweden was due to the development of an integrated peasant economy after
1750. While farm amalgamation occurred in the south, farm division con-
tinued in the north.
The development after 1750 was characterised by an increase in popu-
lation, a more intense use of natural resources, and an expanding agricul-
ture production that utilised every corner of the landscape. This, in turn,
created local and regional demands for commodities and tools. At the same
time, there was an external demand for products and services. Supply and
demand were in place to create and develop an integrated peasant econo-
my.
3. Local specialisation and market integration
The expansion of this integrated peasant economy can be divided into two
phases. In the first phase, up to the first half of the 17th century, a more in-
tense use of the commons took place, and production of charcoal and fi-
rewood were important and expanded rapidly. This development coinci-
ded with the expansion of a transhumance system and more efficient and
intensive agriculture production. In the second phase, the production of
charcoal and fire wood continued, but to protect the commons from overu-
se, access and withdrawal rights had to be restricted, and the peasants de-
veloped institutions for management in the 17th and 18th centuries (J. Lar-
sson 2016). The commons continued to play an important role by providing
raw materials for much of the secondary production, and peasants incre-
ased the production of tools and commodities for the market. To ease the
126
