Page 330 - Panjek, Aleksander, Jesper Larsson and Luca Mocarelli, eds. 2017. Integrated Peasant Economy in a Comparative Perspective: Alps, Scandinavia and Beyond. Koper: University of Primorska Press
P. 330
integr ated peasant economy in a compar ative perspective
three years. In total, the expenditures exceeded the income during 1867–
1869.6 Hyttbäcken must therefore have had a cash reserve to cover the mi-
nus during these years.
Conclusions
Our study shows that the initial quote of this paper needs to be modified at
the micro-level. One farm could not afford hiring labour to the same extent
as before, one went through the crop failure with an unchanged labour for-
ce, and one farm needed very little employed labour.
All three households experienced reduced agricultural production
and negative effects on the household economy during the 1860s famine.
In all three, an integrated economy was essential for coping with the crop
failure. The use of alternative, less weather-sensitive ecosystem resources,
played an important role in the integrated economy. The possibility to use
these ecosystem resources was tightly connected to the farm’s labour ca-
pacity, both working family members, relatives and employed labour. The
capacity to keep a balance between the demand and supply of labour influ-
enced how the farms were economically affected by the crop failure.
The area of agricultural land on Matses was large enough to provide
for the household’s consumption of cereals, milk, and meat, and for a sur-
plus of milk to sell, but small enough to be worked mainly by the fami-
ly members, thus with a minimum of costs for employed labour. The farm
furthermore produced two charcoal kilns per year, and performed a num-
ber of transportations, again with little input of hired labour. The failure of
cereals during the 1860s doesn’t seem to have been severe enough to threat-
en the household’s supplies. The failure of hay probably caused reduced in-
come from milk, but since the need for cash was small, this could be coped
with.
Backåkers, in contrast, had too little arable land, which made the
household dependent on regularly buying cereals, at unusually high costs
during the crop failure. In addition, a debt burdened the household’s econ-
omy. Normally, income from milk, charcoal, and firewood covered the
costs. The production of forest products and the harvest of winter fodder
for the cattle, required hired labour. When the costs for cereals increased
and incomes from milk decreased, Backåkers Erik couldn’t afford enough
labour to increase the charcoal production and perform ore transports as
6 The expenditures exceeded the income with 80 rd. in 1867, 400 rd. in 1868 and 228
rd. in 1869. Both income and costs were on average 1300 rd. 1860–1870.
328
three years. In total, the expenditures exceeded the income during 1867–
1869.6 Hyttbäcken must therefore have had a cash reserve to cover the mi-
nus during these years.
Conclusions
Our study shows that the initial quote of this paper needs to be modified at
the micro-level. One farm could not afford hiring labour to the same extent
as before, one went through the crop failure with an unchanged labour for-
ce, and one farm needed very little employed labour.
All three households experienced reduced agricultural production
and negative effects on the household economy during the 1860s famine.
In all three, an integrated economy was essential for coping with the crop
failure. The use of alternative, less weather-sensitive ecosystem resources,
played an important role in the integrated economy. The possibility to use
these ecosystem resources was tightly connected to the farm’s labour ca-
pacity, both working family members, relatives and employed labour. The
capacity to keep a balance between the demand and supply of labour influ-
enced how the farms were economically affected by the crop failure.
The area of agricultural land on Matses was large enough to provide
for the household’s consumption of cereals, milk, and meat, and for a sur-
plus of milk to sell, but small enough to be worked mainly by the fami-
ly members, thus with a minimum of costs for employed labour. The farm
furthermore produced two charcoal kilns per year, and performed a num-
ber of transportations, again with little input of hired labour. The failure of
cereals during the 1860s doesn’t seem to have been severe enough to threat-
en the household’s supplies. The failure of hay probably caused reduced in-
come from milk, but since the need for cash was small, this could be coped
with.
Backåkers, in contrast, had too little arable land, which made the
household dependent on regularly buying cereals, at unusually high costs
during the crop failure. In addition, a debt burdened the household’s econ-
omy. Normally, income from milk, charcoal, and firewood covered the
costs. The production of forest products and the harvest of winter fodder
for the cattle, required hired labour. When the costs for cereals increased
and incomes from milk decreased, Backåkers Erik couldn’t afford enough
labour to increase the charcoal production and perform ore transports as
6 The expenditures exceeded the income with 80 rd. in 1867, 400 rd. in 1868 and 228
rd. in 1869. Both income and costs were on average 1300 rd. 1860–1870.
328
