Page 370 - Panjek, Aleksander, Jesper Larsson and Luca Mocarelli, eds. 2017. Integrated Peasant Economy in a Comparative Perspective: Alps, Scandinavia and Beyond. Koper: University of Primorska Press
P. 370
integr ated peasant economy in a compar ative perspective
and pricing relationships. Furthermore, in the 1930s, the co-operatives
were mainly concerned with their own operations, as illiquidity was always
looming. It is documented, however, that peasants marketed their prod-
ucts on their own, particularly at fairs; despite the latter’s ubiquity, howev-
er, their economic significance in the interwar period was already declin-
ing (Zdovc 2006, 95–103). On the other hand, peddling was still practised.
In the broader sense, pedlars were local agents for the distribution of goods
and part of the cottage industry system of the division of labour. One tradi-
tional example are the peasants from the Ribnica area who travelled from
village to village or fair to fair, selling treen directly to consumers (Trošt
1950–51, 28–67). In the interwar period, potters from Prekmurje kept the
tradition alive as well (Novak 1950–51, 130). Production of ceramics, i.e. pot-
tery, was widespread in the eastern part of the country. Potters were nu-
merous, as entry costs were low, cheap and easily accessible raw materials
plentiful (Karlovšek 1950–51, 87–111; Novak 1950–51, 111–30). However, pot-
tery is a typical example of an activity facing tough times, as home-made
stone- and earthenware were being replaced by metal and porcelain dish-
es. This is only a single example of a general trend of industrial progress re-
ducing the number of marketing opportunities for cottage industry prod-
ucts. Cottage textile industry was another such case, virtually disappearing
by WWII, leaving only a few exceptions, as shown by the well-documented
case of Bela krajina (Račič 1950–51, 142–58).
On the other hand, those handicrafts with added aesthetic or even ar-
tistic value, e.g. lace-making, continued to thrive. Lace-making was spread-
ing geographically and production was on the increase. The activity had a
tradition of being supported by the authorities through dedicated training
and provision of samples, as well as organised marketing (Kravos-Lombar
1938, 212–4; Račič 1938, 235–43). Lace-making had a long history and pro-
duction and sale were well-established; in the interwar period, the activity
spread to the Gorenjska region as well. In a sense, lace-making was a reg-
ulated cottage industry, as lace-makers were provided with samples and
patterns created by experts in accordance with the modern aesthetic and
artistic criteria and market demand. Artists and professional lace-making
teachers were all part of a process of stimulating the production, design and
marketing of lace, all with significant support from the authorities. With
some reservations, the case of weaving was similar and shows the long-
term effectiveness of the peasant’s strategies and practices of income diver-
sification based on local initiatives, availability of raw materials and state
368
and pricing relationships. Furthermore, in the 1930s, the co-operatives
were mainly concerned with their own operations, as illiquidity was always
looming. It is documented, however, that peasants marketed their prod-
ucts on their own, particularly at fairs; despite the latter’s ubiquity, howev-
er, their economic significance in the interwar period was already declin-
ing (Zdovc 2006, 95–103). On the other hand, peddling was still practised.
In the broader sense, pedlars were local agents for the distribution of goods
and part of the cottage industry system of the division of labour. One tradi-
tional example are the peasants from the Ribnica area who travelled from
village to village or fair to fair, selling treen directly to consumers (Trošt
1950–51, 28–67). In the interwar period, potters from Prekmurje kept the
tradition alive as well (Novak 1950–51, 130). Production of ceramics, i.e. pot-
tery, was widespread in the eastern part of the country. Potters were nu-
merous, as entry costs were low, cheap and easily accessible raw materials
plentiful (Karlovšek 1950–51, 87–111; Novak 1950–51, 111–30). However, pot-
tery is a typical example of an activity facing tough times, as home-made
stone- and earthenware were being replaced by metal and porcelain dish-
es. This is only a single example of a general trend of industrial progress re-
ducing the number of marketing opportunities for cottage industry prod-
ucts. Cottage textile industry was another such case, virtually disappearing
by WWII, leaving only a few exceptions, as shown by the well-documented
case of Bela krajina (Račič 1950–51, 142–58).
On the other hand, those handicrafts with added aesthetic or even ar-
tistic value, e.g. lace-making, continued to thrive. Lace-making was spread-
ing geographically and production was on the increase. The activity had a
tradition of being supported by the authorities through dedicated training
and provision of samples, as well as organised marketing (Kravos-Lombar
1938, 212–4; Račič 1938, 235–43). Lace-making had a long history and pro-
duction and sale were well-established; in the interwar period, the activity
spread to the Gorenjska region as well. In a sense, lace-making was a reg-
ulated cottage industry, as lace-makers were provided with samples and
patterns created by experts in accordance with the modern aesthetic and
artistic criteria and market demand. Artists and professional lace-making
teachers were all part of a process of stimulating the production, design and
marketing of lace, all with significant support from the authorities. With
some reservations, the case of weaving was similar and shows the long-
term effectiveness of the peasant’s strategies and practices of income diver-
sification based on local initiatives, availability of raw materials and state
368
