Page 160 - S. Ličen, I. Karnjuš, & M. Prosen (Eds.). (2019). Women, migrations and health: Ensuring transcultural healthcare. Koper, University of Primorska Press.
P. 160
ana Medarić and Mateja Sedmak
of the case study is markedly multicultural. In addition to the presence of
an autochthonous Italian minority, immigrant communities from the former
Yugoslavia (Bosniacs, Albanians, Serbs, Croats, Macedonians, Montenegrins)
are mostly present in the study area. They are very visible in everyday life
and organized in the form of various cultural societies or religious communi-
ties. In addition, Russian, Chinese and Thai⁴ communities are also noticeable,
while members of other ethnic groups are present, but, as an ethnic commu-
nity in the local environment, largely unrecognized. The interpretation of the
obtained results is interesting in light of the fact that, according to previous
research, the area of Slovenian Istria is relatively more interculturally toler-
ant, meaning that in comparison with other Slovenian regions, members of
other cultures, religions and languages are more accepted and there is less
widespread xenophobia and nationalism (Sedmak, 2003, 2005). Finally, the
proportion of ethnically mixed families is the highest in Slovenia (Septem-
ber 2006).
Although the results presented below refer to ‘migrant women’ as a partic-
ularly vulnerable group, which, as mentioned above, needs special care and
treatment in the field of sexual and reproductive health, we must be par-
ticularly careful to avoid the following perceptions of migrant women (om-
nipresent in the medical field, in science and among the general public):
1. Migrant woman as a homogeneous group. Migrant women are a highly
internally differentiated social group, according to cultural, religious
and linguistic characteristics, as well as other indicators that have a key
influence on the quality of their lives in terms of their ability to integrate
into new social environments, access to health and other services, sup-
port networks, etc. There exist differences in terms of education, socio-
economic status, cultural capital and the causes of emigration, past life
experiences, individual health situation, psychological characteristics
and others. Although it is possible to draw certain parallels between
the life stories and narratives of migrant women and draw some com-
mon conclusions, there still exist important differences among them.
2. Perception of migrant women as helpless, passive and victims of either
women interviewed differ according to the level of education, employment – some of them are
employed, while some are housewives. They all have children and they are all married or live in
a partnership, except one, who is divorced. Few have Slovenian citizenship, most of them have
a status of foreigner with permanent residence in Slovenia.
⁴ Particularly because of ethnically branded shops, restaurants or other activities (such as Thai
massage salons).
158
of the case study is markedly multicultural. In addition to the presence of
an autochthonous Italian minority, immigrant communities from the former
Yugoslavia (Bosniacs, Albanians, Serbs, Croats, Macedonians, Montenegrins)
are mostly present in the study area. They are very visible in everyday life
and organized in the form of various cultural societies or religious communi-
ties. In addition, Russian, Chinese and Thai⁴ communities are also noticeable,
while members of other ethnic groups are present, but, as an ethnic commu-
nity in the local environment, largely unrecognized. The interpretation of the
obtained results is interesting in light of the fact that, according to previous
research, the area of Slovenian Istria is relatively more interculturally toler-
ant, meaning that in comparison with other Slovenian regions, members of
other cultures, religions and languages are more accepted and there is less
widespread xenophobia and nationalism (Sedmak, 2003, 2005). Finally, the
proportion of ethnically mixed families is the highest in Slovenia (Septem-
ber 2006).
Although the results presented below refer to ‘migrant women’ as a partic-
ularly vulnerable group, which, as mentioned above, needs special care and
treatment in the field of sexual and reproductive health, we must be par-
ticularly careful to avoid the following perceptions of migrant women (om-
nipresent in the medical field, in science and among the general public):
1. Migrant woman as a homogeneous group. Migrant women are a highly
internally differentiated social group, according to cultural, religious
and linguistic characteristics, as well as other indicators that have a key
influence on the quality of their lives in terms of their ability to integrate
into new social environments, access to health and other services, sup-
port networks, etc. There exist differences in terms of education, socio-
economic status, cultural capital and the causes of emigration, past life
experiences, individual health situation, psychological characteristics
and others. Although it is possible to draw certain parallels between
the life stories and narratives of migrant women and draw some com-
mon conclusions, there still exist important differences among them.
2. Perception of migrant women as helpless, passive and victims of either
women interviewed differ according to the level of education, employment – some of them are
employed, while some are housewives. They all have children and they are all married or live in
a partnership, except one, who is divorced. Few have Slovenian citizenship, most of them have
a status of foreigner with permanent residence in Slovenia.
⁴ Particularly because of ethnically branded shops, restaurants or other activities (such as Thai
massage salons).
158
