Page 65 - Mellinato, Giulio, and Aleksander Panjek. Eds. 2022. Complex Gateways. Labour and Urban History of Maritime Port Cities: The Northern Adriaticin a Comparative Perspective. Koper: University of Primorska Press.
P. 65
Porters in the Eighteenth-century Port City of Trieste ...
vate and market porters. Again, reserves prevailed, while regulations re-
mained once more deadlocked.
The adoption of a new protocol did not take place until 1792 with
the introduction of a new police order, when efforts were renewed to im-
prove ‘public education’ and control over the increasingly ‘disbanded low
people’. This time, the merchants agreed to the introduction of a poli-
cy for porters because, at that time, they were paying for porter servic-
es at three times the usual price due to the lack of manpower. The rules
provided for obtaining a written permit and a special tin badge issued by
the police administration, on the basis of evidence of ‘impeccable moral,
honourable, and fair conduct’ for each worker. This had to be listed in the
general population register and recorded in a separate protocol with the
name, surname, age, house number of the address in the city, the place of
origin, and the personal description. In this way, the police obtained the
necessary information to prevent the ‘spilling’ of unwanted people, and
to avert the possibility that the label necessary for practicing the pro-
fession might be passed into the hands of unauthorized persons. Private
porters were also obliged to adapt to the system, without having to show
their goodwill to the police because they were subject to a guarantee from
their employers. The authorities managed this system quite flexibly and
did not ‘excessively make it difficult to accept new people into the regis-
ter’ so that ‘the lack of a porter workforce would not make their servic-
es more expensive and burden the merchants too much’. A significant
change occurred at the request of the merchants to control the internal
organization of the porters, especially regarding the chiefs and their su-
pervisory duties. The merchants wanted to prevent this category from
self-electing its leaders, and thus becoming too independent and corpo-
rately cohesive. Therefore, they demanded that the role of leaders be as-
signed to persons of other social status, who were appointed from among
the chiefs of neighbourhoods (Capi contrada). These, in turn, were among
the auxiliary police staff.12
Conclusion
The regulations for porters (Regolamento per i facchini) came into force in
early 1793 (AST, CRG, b. 547, 27 June 1794). Its adoption coincided with
the tightening of security measures against external threats and inter-
nal political ferment, adopted by the state at the time of the spread of
12 AST, CRG, b. 545, 8 October 1792, 7 December 1792; b. 546, 27 December 1792.
65
vate and market porters. Again, reserves prevailed, while regulations re-
mained once more deadlocked.
The adoption of a new protocol did not take place until 1792 with
the introduction of a new police order, when efforts were renewed to im-
prove ‘public education’ and control over the increasingly ‘disbanded low
people’. This time, the merchants agreed to the introduction of a poli-
cy for porters because, at that time, they were paying for porter servic-
es at three times the usual price due to the lack of manpower. The rules
provided for obtaining a written permit and a special tin badge issued by
the police administration, on the basis of evidence of ‘impeccable moral,
honourable, and fair conduct’ for each worker. This had to be listed in the
general population register and recorded in a separate protocol with the
name, surname, age, house number of the address in the city, the place of
origin, and the personal description. In this way, the police obtained the
necessary information to prevent the ‘spilling’ of unwanted people, and
to avert the possibility that the label necessary for practicing the pro-
fession might be passed into the hands of unauthorized persons. Private
porters were also obliged to adapt to the system, without having to show
their goodwill to the police because they were subject to a guarantee from
their employers. The authorities managed this system quite flexibly and
did not ‘excessively make it difficult to accept new people into the regis-
ter’ so that ‘the lack of a porter workforce would not make their servic-
es more expensive and burden the merchants too much’. A significant
change occurred at the request of the merchants to control the internal
organization of the porters, especially regarding the chiefs and their su-
pervisory duties. The merchants wanted to prevent this category from
self-electing its leaders, and thus becoming too independent and corpo-
rately cohesive. Therefore, they demanded that the role of leaders be as-
signed to persons of other social status, who were appointed from among
the chiefs of neighbourhoods (Capi contrada). These, in turn, were among
the auxiliary police staff.12
Conclusion
The regulations for porters (Regolamento per i facchini) came into force in
early 1793 (AST, CRG, b. 547, 27 June 1794). Its adoption coincided with
the tightening of security measures against external threats and inter-
nal political ferment, adopted by the state at the time of the spread of
12 AST, CRG, b. 545, 8 October 1792, 7 December 1792; b. 546, 27 December 1792.
65
