Page 122 - Dark Shades of Istria
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Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria
tatives ones were constructed in the Croatian part of Istria – see Figure
6.7. Figure 6.8 shows one of those ‘top-monuments’ in Rovinj, made of
stone in 1956, which also represents an interesting work of art; two busts
of two local anti-fascists of Italian nationality, Pino Budicin and Matteo
Benussi – Cio,³⁴ which are visible in the lower right corner of the figure,
form the entire memorial. The monument is well preserved and main-
tained and included in the local social life as well as in tourist services
– see the tourist brochure of Rovinj (Budicin, n.d.).³⁵ This location also
hosts commemorations, e.g. on the national Anti-Fascist Resistance Day
every June (Grad Rovinj-Rovigno, 2018). Some other memorials can also
be found in this highly recognisable location. Figure 6.9 shows a scene of
worrying disrespect of some unaware tourists towards the local memorial
heritage. Local authorities and professional stakeholders should consider
these negative consequences of ‘touristification’ of memory.
In general, w w i i-related monuments are mostly well preserved and
maintained both in Slovenian and Croatian Istria, and dark commemora-
tive events are held on anniversaries at many of them. It can thus be con-
cluded that w w i i-related monuments and their background ‘dark sto-
ries’ are an important part of the collective memory of this multi-ethnic
region.
The values of anti-fascism are still deeply rooted in Istrian society,
which helps preserve the collective memory and thus all the memori-
als. This is also reflected in the membership of anti-fascist organisations
where, according to the President of the Association in Buzet, more than
50 of (approximately) 15,000 members in Croatia come from the Is-
trian and Primorje-Gorski Kotar Counties (Čalić Šverko, 2018a). On the
other hand, some kind of amnesia of wwi i-related heritage in contem-
porary Croatia was perceived by the media, e.g. ‘Index’ (hi na, 2014) or
‘Al Jazeera Balkans’ (Skok, 2017), where the latter wrote that the monu-
ments of the Second Yugoslavia in Istria, Gorski Kotar and Zagorje were
better maintained in comparison to other areas/counties in Croatia. With
the exception of this area, some kind of memorial discontinuity has been
past, such as concentration camps, deportation, battles, massacres, mass killings and
graves or, on the other hand, places of importance for the revolutionary struggle and
independence;’ see also the website Spomenik Database (n.d.).
³⁴ Both of them were proclaimed national heroes of Yugoslavia. They remain the symbol of
Italian anti-fascism in Istria as well as representative examples of the Istrian convivenza.
³⁵ Thanks also to its central position in the city.
122
tatives ones were constructed in the Croatian part of Istria – see Figure
6.7. Figure 6.8 shows one of those ‘top-monuments’ in Rovinj, made of
stone in 1956, which also represents an interesting work of art; two busts
of two local anti-fascists of Italian nationality, Pino Budicin and Matteo
Benussi – Cio,³⁴ which are visible in the lower right corner of the figure,
form the entire memorial. The monument is well preserved and main-
tained and included in the local social life as well as in tourist services
– see the tourist brochure of Rovinj (Budicin, n.d.).³⁵ This location also
hosts commemorations, e.g. on the national Anti-Fascist Resistance Day
every June (Grad Rovinj-Rovigno, 2018). Some other memorials can also
be found in this highly recognisable location. Figure 6.9 shows a scene of
worrying disrespect of some unaware tourists towards the local memorial
heritage. Local authorities and professional stakeholders should consider
these negative consequences of ‘touristification’ of memory.
In general, w w i i-related monuments are mostly well preserved and
maintained both in Slovenian and Croatian Istria, and dark commemora-
tive events are held on anniversaries at many of them. It can thus be con-
cluded that w w i i-related monuments and their background ‘dark sto-
ries’ are an important part of the collective memory of this multi-ethnic
region.
The values of anti-fascism are still deeply rooted in Istrian society,
which helps preserve the collective memory and thus all the memori-
als. This is also reflected in the membership of anti-fascist organisations
where, according to the President of the Association in Buzet, more than
50 of (approximately) 15,000 members in Croatia come from the Is-
trian and Primorje-Gorski Kotar Counties (Čalić Šverko, 2018a). On the
other hand, some kind of amnesia of wwi i-related heritage in contem-
porary Croatia was perceived by the media, e.g. ‘Index’ (hi na, 2014) or
‘Al Jazeera Balkans’ (Skok, 2017), where the latter wrote that the monu-
ments of the Second Yugoslavia in Istria, Gorski Kotar and Zagorje were
better maintained in comparison to other areas/counties in Croatia. With
the exception of this area, some kind of memorial discontinuity has been
past, such as concentration camps, deportation, battles, massacres, mass killings and
graves or, on the other hand, places of importance for the revolutionary struggle and
independence;’ see also the website Spomenik Database (n.d.).
³⁴ Both of them were proclaimed national heroes of Yugoslavia. They remain the symbol of
Italian anti-fascism in Istria as well as representative examples of the Istrian convivenza.
³⁵ Thanks also to its central position in the city.
122
