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6.3 wwii-Related Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism
Figure 6.12
The Monument
to the Victims
of Post-War Killings
at the Koper Cemetery
Labour, Family, Social Affairs and Equal Opportunities, shows that there
are such sites in the City Municipality of Koper (Služba za vojna gro-
bišča, Ministrstvo za delo, družino in socialne zadeve, 2009).⁴⁸ Accord-
ingly, a monument was constructed at the Koper cemetery (see Figure
6.12),⁴⁹ where commemorations and other visits are occasionally organ-
ised. However, the foibe and the exodus are elements of the divided mem-
ory,⁵⁰ which foster ideological and political confrontations in the Upper
Adriatic (Cattunar, 2012; D’Alessio, 2012a; 2012b; Klabjan, 2010, p. 401;
Miklavcic, 2008; Orlić, 2012). This means that a massive expansion of
such dark commemorative events and dark tourism in Istria is not yet
socially acceptable.⁵¹ This way they are also resisting the Italian as well as
⁴⁸ More about the sites of post-war mass killings and excavations of causalities in Slovenia
can be found in Ferenc (2012).
⁴⁹ The monument was constructed in accordance with the Concealed War Graves and
Burial of Victims Act (Zakon o prikritih vojnih grobiščih in pokopu žrtev (z pvgpž),
2015) and the War Grave Sites Act (Zakon o vojnih grobiščih (z vg), 2003; Zakon o spre-
membah in dopolnitvah Zakona o vojnih grobiščih (z vg-a), 2009; Zakon o spremembi
Zakona o vojnih grobiščih (z vg-b); 2017).
⁵⁰ The term ‘dissonant heritage’ can also be used.
⁵¹ Italian post-war emigrants with different collective memory and memorials located
mainly in eastern Italy – see Pontiggia (2009), Violante (2009) or D’Alessio (2012; 2012a)
– thus systematically preserve and transfer memory between generations. Many contem-
131
Figure 6.12
The Monument
to the Victims
of Post-War Killings
at the Koper Cemetery
Labour, Family, Social Affairs and Equal Opportunities, shows that there
are such sites in the City Municipality of Koper (Služba za vojna gro-
bišča, Ministrstvo za delo, družino in socialne zadeve, 2009).⁴⁸ Accord-
ingly, a monument was constructed at the Koper cemetery (see Figure
6.12),⁴⁹ where commemorations and other visits are occasionally organ-
ised. However, the foibe and the exodus are elements of the divided mem-
ory,⁵⁰ which foster ideological and political confrontations in the Upper
Adriatic (Cattunar, 2012; D’Alessio, 2012a; 2012b; Klabjan, 2010, p. 401;
Miklavcic, 2008; Orlić, 2012). This means that a massive expansion of
such dark commemorative events and dark tourism in Istria is not yet
socially acceptable.⁵¹ This way they are also resisting the Italian as well as
⁴⁸ More about the sites of post-war mass killings and excavations of causalities in Slovenia
can be found in Ferenc (2012).
⁴⁹ The monument was constructed in accordance with the Concealed War Graves and
Burial of Victims Act (Zakon o prikritih vojnih grobiščih in pokopu žrtev (z pvgpž),
2015) and the War Grave Sites Act (Zakon o vojnih grobiščih (z vg), 2003; Zakon o spre-
membah in dopolnitvah Zakona o vojnih grobiščih (z vg-a), 2009; Zakon o spremembi
Zakona o vojnih grobiščih (z vg-b); 2017).
⁵⁰ The term ‘dissonant heritage’ can also be used.
⁵¹ Italian post-war emigrants with different collective memory and memorials located
mainly in eastern Italy – see Pontiggia (2009), Violante (2009) or D’Alessio (2012; 2012a)
– thus systematically preserve and transfer memory between generations. Many contem-
131
