Page 140 - Dark Shades of Istria
P. 140
Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria
the victims of the foibe and the socialist revolution⁶¹ were systematically
denied in this period – a new example of damnatio memoriae. Istrian vet-
erans of wwi i and the conflict in the 1990s try to preserve the memory
without social division (e.g. some events are organised jointly), but this
does not work perfectly, because wwi i-related heritage is nowadays per-
ceived as a dissonant heritage in the post-Yugoslav states.⁶² Nonetheless,
memorial practices in Istria are significantly different from those in the
rest of Croatia; the difference in the Slovenian case is not so obvious. It
should also not be overlooked that a non-selective consideration of the
Resolution on the Importance of European Remembrance for the Future of
Europe (European Parliament, 2019) is of paramount importance.
After both world wars and after all totalitarian regimes, events, heroes
and victims of the conflict in the 1990s are commemorated in Istria (as
part of democratic Slovenia and Croatia). The Croatian part understand-
ably (according to identified examples of memorial practices) shows
more compassion also to the victims of the other scaffolds in the wider re-
gion. The religious (Catholic) component of dark commemorative events
is especially present in the Croatian part, which is in line with the claims
of Seaton (2009) or Kang et al. (2012) on the influence of history and
European culture, including Christianity, on dark tourism.⁶³ Events on
the Slovenian side are, generally speaking, more secular.
If we take into account the claims in sub-chapter 3.1 ‘Memory Concept’
(Halbwachs, 1992; Hirsch, 2008; Stone, 2012) historical facts and the time
distance of the conflicts of the 20th century enable a mixture of memories
and an attitude to the past in contemporary Istria. However, due to the
time distance, ‘first-generation memory’ or ‘autobiographical memory’
linked to wwi and the first years of Italian fascism is not present in Istria
anymore. With the passing away of anti-fascists and wwi i-war veterans,
‘first-generation memory’ or ‘autobiographical memory’ linked to wwi i
and the first years of the Second Yugoslavia is slowly, but inevitably, dis-
appearing as well. On the other hand, ‘second generation memory,’ ‘third-
generation memory’ or ‘historical memory,’ ‘history’ and ‘collective mem-
ory’ related to wwi and wwii are fully present in contemporary Istrian
society. A completely different example is that of the war in the 1990s.
The carriers of memory, former soldiers and other participants are still
⁶¹ The term was used by one of the communist/socialist leaders Edvard Kardelj (1980).
⁶² More can be found in Kisić (2016), and Šešić Dragićević and Mijatović Rogač (2014).
⁶³ In fact, above-mentioned authors identified these influences in a wider cultural context.
140
the victims of the foibe and the socialist revolution⁶¹ were systematically
denied in this period – a new example of damnatio memoriae. Istrian vet-
erans of wwi i and the conflict in the 1990s try to preserve the memory
without social division (e.g. some events are organised jointly), but this
does not work perfectly, because wwi i-related heritage is nowadays per-
ceived as a dissonant heritage in the post-Yugoslav states.⁶² Nonetheless,
memorial practices in Istria are significantly different from those in the
rest of Croatia; the difference in the Slovenian case is not so obvious. It
should also not be overlooked that a non-selective consideration of the
Resolution on the Importance of European Remembrance for the Future of
Europe (European Parliament, 2019) is of paramount importance.
After both world wars and after all totalitarian regimes, events, heroes
and victims of the conflict in the 1990s are commemorated in Istria (as
part of democratic Slovenia and Croatia). The Croatian part understand-
ably (according to identified examples of memorial practices) shows
more compassion also to the victims of the other scaffolds in the wider re-
gion. The religious (Catholic) component of dark commemorative events
is especially present in the Croatian part, which is in line with the claims
of Seaton (2009) or Kang et al. (2012) on the influence of history and
European culture, including Christianity, on dark tourism.⁶³ Events on
the Slovenian side are, generally speaking, more secular.
If we take into account the claims in sub-chapter 3.1 ‘Memory Concept’
(Halbwachs, 1992; Hirsch, 2008; Stone, 2012) historical facts and the time
distance of the conflicts of the 20th century enable a mixture of memories
and an attitude to the past in contemporary Istria. However, due to the
time distance, ‘first-generation memory’ or ‘autobiographical memory’
linked to wwi and the first years of Italian fascism is not present in Istria
anymore. With the passing away of anti-fascists and wwi i-war veterans,
‘first-generation memory’ or ‘autobiographical memory’ linked to wwi i
and the first years of the Second Yugoslavia is slowly, but inevitably, dis-
appearing as well. On the other hand, ‘second generation memory,’ ‘third-
generation memory’ or ‘historical memory,’ ‘history’ and ‘collective mem-
ory’ related to wwi and wwii are fully present in contemporary Istrian
society. A completely different example is that of the war in the 1990s.
The carriers of memory, former soldiers and other participants are still
⁶¹ The term was used by one of the communist/socialist leaders Edvard Kardelj (1980).
⁶² More can be found in Kisić (2016), and Šešić Dragićević and Mijatović Rogač (2014).
⁶³ In fact, above-mentioned authors identified these influences in a wider cultural context.
140
