Page 61 - Dark Shades of Istria
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4.1 Dark Tourism from the Media Perspective
(2019, p. 423) similarly claims that dark tourism is, in addition to its in-
terest for academia, also an attractive topic for the media, i.e. newspaper
articles, promotional magazines and t v programmes, which is, accord-
ing to Walter (2009), an interesting example of the media hype related to
the fascination with death and dying. On the other hand, it is the already
hyped media attention that triggers a desire to visit a death-related site,
rather than the fascination with death (Morales Cano & Mysyk, 2004,
p. 892). However, the media create and maintain a dark perception of
dark sites dedicated to ‘consumption’ (Merrin, 1999), and thereby feed
the ‘imaginary community’ of dark tourists (Anderson, 1995); they are
actually being conceptualised as a major influencer (Mckercher & Chan,
2005; Trauer, 2006). Hence, there is a direct link between the media and
dark tourism, which means that the media transfer a sudden or violent
death to the mass of readers, viewers and listeners (Walter, 2009, p. 44)
– thus informing people all around the world through global communi-
cation channels (and technology) (Lennon & Foley, 2000). Figuratively
speaking, death was essentially brought into people’s living rooms by
the media (Lennon & Foley, 2000; Schofield, 1996).³ By reporting tragic
events they (perhaps) ‘emotionally invigilate’ people to react in a partic-
ular manner (Walter et al., 1995), which means that the moral dimen-
sions of death-related tourism are never far from media and academic
discourses (Stone, 2009). The ethical dimensions of investigating trau-
matic history and the related dark tourism has caused (social) anxiety
and subsequent moral quandaries (Lennon, 2005). Seaton and Lennon
(2004) claim that the media narrative on death-related tourism gener-
ally results in a moral panic – particularly, the tabloid media construct
a metanarrative of moral panic around the death-tourism connection.
Stone (2009) is an additional scholar who explores the emerging narra-
tive of moral panic. According to him, there is a mass of media commen-
tary marked with superficiality and selectiveness, and based on hunches.
According to Friedrich and Johnston (2013), the media which abuse the
label of dark tourism have actually caused confusion and damage to dark
tourism (misunderstanding among stakeholders on the conceptual foun-
dations of dark tourism).
With the help of the media, people become well informed and sim-
³ In the era of mass media, for example, sites (‘attractions’) are accessible via video and
virtual reality displays, which means that sites from around the world can be easily con-
nected in a simulated environment in the home environment (Uriely, 2005, p. 203)
61
(2019, p. 423) similarly claims that dark tourism is, in addition to its in-
terest for academia, also an attractive topic for the media, i.e. newspaper
articles, promotional magazines and t v programmes, which is, accord-
ing to Walter (2009), an interesting example of the media hype related to
the fascination with death and dying. On the other hand, it is the already
hyped media attention that triggers a desire to visit a death-related site,
rather than the fascination with death (Morales Cano & Mysyk, 2004,
p. 892). However, the media create and maintain a dark perception of
dark sites dedicated to ‘consumption’ (Merrin, 1999), and thereby feed
the ‘imaginary community’ of dark tourists (Anderson, 1995); they are
actually being conceptualised as a major influencer (Mckercher & Chan,
2005; Trauer, 2006). Hence, there is a direct link between the media and
dark tourism, which means that the media transfer a sudden or violent
death to the mass of readers, viewers and listeners (Walter, 2009, p. 44)
– thus informing people all around the world through global communi-
cation channels (and technology) (Lennon & Foley, 2000). Figuratively
speaking, death was essentially brought into people’s living rooms by
the media (Lennon & Foley, 2000; Schofield, 1996).³ By reporting tragic
events they (perhaps) ‘emotionally invigilate’ people to react in a partic-
ular manner (Walter et al., 1995), which means that the moral dimen-
sions of death-related tourism are never far from media and academic
discourses (Stone, 2009). The ethical dimensions of investigating trau-
matic history and the related dark tourism has caused (social) anxiety
and subsequent moral quandaries (Lennon, 2005). Seaton and Lennon
(2004) claim that the media narrative on death-related tourism gener-
ally results in a moral panic – particularly, the tabloid media construct
a metanarrative of moral panic around the death-tourism connection.
Stone (2009) is an additional scholar who explores the emerging narra-
tive of moral panic. According to him, there is a mass of media commen-
tary marked with superficiality and selectiveness, and based on hunches.
According to Friedrich and Johnston (2013), the media which abuse the
label of dark tourism have actually caused confusion and damage to dark
tourism (misunderstanding among stakeholders on the conceptual foun-
dations of dark tourism).
With the help of the media, people become well informed and sim-
³ In the era of mass media, for example, sites (‘attractions’) are accessible via video and
virtual reality displays, which means that sites from around the world can be easily con-
nected in a simulated environment in the home environment (Uriely, 2005, p. 203)
61
