Page 62 - Dark Shades of Istria
P. 62
Media Perspective on Dark Tourism and Memory
ply wish to seek to affirm the validity of tragedies and victims, which
reached them through the media (Schofield, 1996). The media thus be-
comes a contemporary ‘mediating institution,’ which links death with the
individual and collective consciousness (Walter, 2009). This way the me-
dia begins a process of ‘mortality contemplation’ and thus the develop-
ment of attitudes towards past tragic events and victims. Especially for
the spectacle-driven media, violence and death are attractive topics for
uncritical ‘reporting.’ However, in this context, the recognition of dark
shrines, which are the consequence of recent traumatic conflicts, crucially
depends on the media agenda and awareness of high-ranking politicians.
As an example, holocaust (or genocide) tourism,⁴ as a key word of ref-
erence for the dark tourism concept, has continuously been reported by
the media (Stone, 2007). Interestingly, the mass media exploits the inter-
est in the holocaust, which was (co)created on the whole by themselves
(Von Schwabe, 2005) – there is always (a potential) interdependency be-
tween the media and (holocaust) dark tourism sites. In addition, the at-
titude of politicians on this issue is manifested on anniversaries when
state delegations gather at celebrations – see, e.g., the Memorial and mu-
seum Auschwitz-Birkenau (2020) – which is always reported by all rele-
vant media. More recent and geographically closer to Istria is the example
of the Balkan Conflict in 1990s, when people all around the world were
shocked by media reports on the systematic and widespread violence and
rape camps (Allen, 1996; Shanks & Schull, 2000); the whole tragic period
(1992–1995) was well covered by the international media (Šimko, 2006).
The Sarajevo post-war city tours, which are primarily based on the siege
of Sarajevo, also generated follow-up media interest – see, for example,
Hawton (2004) or Farhad (2018). In this context, Wise (2011), and Wise
and Mulec (2014) investigate how newspaper articles and official tourism
website sources construct the (re)created meanings and images of Bosnia
and Herzegovina, and Croatia. An additional, globally recognisable ex-
ample is the genocide in Rwanda, where contemporary tours are of media
interests as well – see, for example, Khaleeli (2010).
Mass media advertising is also affecting dark tourism sites (Sharp-
ley, 2009). It should be noted that dark tourism sites were/are usually not
purposefully created as tourist attractions – they were/are places of mem-
ory, sorrow, pride, even heroism. They gained recognisability/popularity
thanks to the marketing and promotional activity of profit-oriented
⁴ As well as the holocaust itself.
62
ply wish to seek to affirm the validity of tragedies and victims, which
reached them through the media (Schofield, 1996). The media thus be-
comes a contemporary ‘mediating institution,’ which links death with the
individual and collective consciousness (Walter, 2009). This way the me-
dia begins a process of ‘mortality contemplation’ and thus the develop-
ment of attitudes towards past tragic events and victims. Especially for
the spectacle-driven media, violence and death are attractive topics for
uncritical ‘reporting.’ However, in this context, the recognition of dark
shrines, which are the consequence of recent traumatic conflicts, crucially
depends on the media agenda and awareness of high-ranking politicians.
As an example, holocaust (or genocide) tourism,⁴ as a key word of ref-
erence for the dark tourism concept, has continuously been reported by
the media (Stone, 2007). Interestingly, the mass media exploits the inter-
est in the holocaust, which was (co)created on the whole by themselves
(Von Schwabe, 2005) – there is always (a potential) interdependency be-
tween the media and (holocaust) dark tourism sites. In addition, the at-
titude of politicians on this issue is manifested on anniversaries when
state delegations gather at celebrations – see, e.g., the Memorial and mu-
seum Auschwitz-Birkenau (2020) – which is always reported by all rele-
vant media. More recent and geographically closer to Istria is the example
of the Balkan Conflict in 1990s, when people all around the world were
shocked by media reports on the systematic and widespread violence and
rape camps (Allen, 1996; Shanks & Schull, 2000); the whole tragic period
(1992–1995) was well covered by the international media (Šimko, 2006).
The Sarajevo post-war city tours, which are primarily based on the siege
of Sarajevo, also generated follow-up media interest – see, for example,
Hawton (2004) or Farhad (2018). In this context, Wise (2011), and Wise
and Mulec (2014) investigate how newspaper articles and official tourism
website sources construct the (re)created meanings and images of Bosnia
and Herzegovina, and Croatia. An additional, globally recognisable ex-
ample is the genocide in Rwanda, where contemporary tours are of media
interests as well – see, for example, Khaleeli (2010).
Mass media advertising is also affecting dark tourism sites (Sharp-
ley, 2009). It should be noted that dark tourism sites were/are usually not
purposefully created as tourist attractions – they were/are places of mem-
ory, sorrow, pride, even heroism. They gained recognisability/popularity
thanks to the marketing and promotional activity of profit-oriented
⁴ As well as the holocaust itself.
62
