Page 88 - Dark Shades of Istria
P. 88
Trans-Border Region of Istria
Nazionale Fascista) acquired the most responsible functions (Burigo,
2005, p. 311; Cogoy, 2009; Dukovski, 1998; 2011a; Kacin-Wohinz, 1990;
Miklavcic, 2008; Orlović, 2014a; 2014b; Scotti, 2008, pp. 26–27; Žerjavić,
1993). High-ranking fascist politician Giuseppe Cobol (1927, p. 805)⁴⁶
published in Gerachia, a fascist political magazine, that Slavic lawyers,
who were dangerous to the state, should be removed from public life,
as well as Slavic teachers from schools and Slavic priests from parishes.
The anti-Slavic atmosphere was thus observed even in the Seminary of
Koper, and bishops were aware of it (Veraja, 2013, pp. 16–18). Moreover,
fascists persecuted the clergy because of their work in the Slavic language,
while immigrant loyal Italian priests were even financially remunerated
for their ‘patriotic work’ (Grah, 2013, pp. 198–201, 207). Accordingly, rad-
ical changes occurred also in Catholic Church structures, where those
of Italian origin and beliefs took positions, e.g. Antonio Santin, the new
Archbishop of Koper and Trieste in 1938 (Scotti, 2008, p. 28; Škofija Koper,
n.d.),⁴⁷ and Rafaele Mario Radossi in 1941 in Poreč and Pula.
During the state violence in Istria, fascists began to implement fierce
liquidations, including foibe massacres,⁴⁸ which are otherwise better
known in a completely different context (Pirjevec et al., 2012; Pizzi, 1998;
Scotti, 2008, pp. 34–38). The introduction of the foibe into the primary
reading book (Pirjevec et al., 2012, p. 55; Scotti, 2008, p. 34) is a symp-
⁴⁶ He changed his name (or pseudonym) many times: he is also known as Giulio Italico or
Cobolli Gigli.
⁴⁷ Some authors are rather critical of his attitude towards the Slavs, e.g. Pelikan (2000, p.
200), Gombač (2001); Trogrlić (2012) and Scotti (2008) also treat him as controversial,
while Veraja (2013) is more benevolent to his ‘character and work’ (but still not without
critical remarks).
⁴⁸ The Italian word infoibare means throwing into the abyss. In Italy and in the Upper Adri-
atic in general, the term foiba lost its geographical/geological meaning and illustrates a
historical, tragic evocative resonance, which immediately recalls the memory of the dra-
matic events that occurred in the then Venezia Giulia between autumn 1943 and spring
1945 (this obviously does not entirely correspond to historical facts). A significant prob-
lem is the symbolic meaning of the term/buzzword, which in Italy (generally speaking)
covers people who fell in combat or were shot, drowned or (simply) disappeared in the
two waves of Slavic violence that occurred in w w i i and its aftermath (Burigo, 2005, p.
310). This, however, corresponds to the term of war and/or postwar fatalities. The Slove-
nian and Croatian interpretation in this context is much more straightforward and in-
cludes only those whose bodies (or their remains) were found in the abysses. This termi-
nological heterogeneity (inconsistency or even manipulation) in meaning is problematic
for the academic consideration, not to even mention political relations – see Burigo (2005,
p. 316).
88
Nazionale Fascista) acquired the most responsible functions (Burigo,
2005, p. 311; Cogoy, 2009; Dukovski, 1998; 2011a; Kacin-Wohinz, 1990;
Miklavcic, 2008; Orlović, 2014a; 2014b; Scotti, 2008, pp. 26–27; Žerjavić,
1993). High-ranking fascist politician Giuseppe Cobol (1927, p. 805)⁴⁶
published in Gerachia, a fascist political magazine, that Slavic lawyers,
who were dangerous to the state, should be removed from public life,
as well as Slavic teachers from schools and Slavic priests from parishes.
The anti-Slavic atmosphere was thus observed even in the Seminary of
Koper, and bishops were aware of it (Veraja, 2013, pp. 16–18). Moreover,
fascists persecuted the clergy because of their work in the Slavic language,
while immigrant loyal Italian priests were even financially remunerated
for their ‘patriotic work’ (Grah, 2013, pp. 198–201, 207). Accordingly, rad-
ical changes occurred also in Catholic Church structures, where those
of Italian origin and beliefs took positions, e.g. Antonio Santin, the new
Archbishop of Koper and Trieste in 1938 (Scotti, 2008, p. 28; Škofija Koper,
n.d.),⁴⁷ and Rafaele Mario Radossi in 1941 in Poreč and Pula.
During the state violence in Istria, fascists began to implement fierce
liquidations, including foibe massacres,⁴⁸ which are otherwise better
known in a completely different context (Pirjevec et al., 2012; Pizzi, 1998;
Scotti, 2008, pp. 34–38). The introduction of the foibe into the primary
reading book (Pirjevec et al., 2012, p. 55; Scotti, 2008, p. 34) is a symp-
⁴⁶ He changed his name (or pseudonym) many times: he is also known as Giulio Italico or
Cobolli Gigli.
⁴⁷ Some authors are rather critical of his attitude towards the Slavs, e.g. Pelikan (2000, p.
200), Gombač (2001); Trogrlić (2012) and Scotti (2008) also treat him as controversial,
while Veraja (2013) is more benevolent to his ‘character and work’ (but still not without
critical remarks).
⁴⁸ The Italian word infoibare means throwing into the abyss. In Italy and in the Upper Adri-
atic in general, the term foiba lost its geographical/geological meaning and illustrates a
historical, tragic evocative resonance, which immediately recalls the memory of the dra-
matic events that occurred in the then Venezia Giulia between autumn 1943 and spring
1945 (this obviously does not entirely correspond to historical facts). A significant prob-
lem is the symbolic meaning of the term/buzzword, which in Italy (generally speaking)
covers people who fell in combat or were shot, drowned or (simply) disappeared in the
two waves of Slavic violence that occurred in w w i i and its aftermath (Burigo, 2005, p.
310). This, however, corresponds to the term of war and/or postwar fatalities. The Slove-
nian and Croatian interpretation in this context is much more straightforward and in-
cludes only those whose bodies (or their remains) were found in the abysses. This termi-
nological heterogeneity (inconsistency or even manipulation) in meaning is problematic
for the academic consideration, not to even mention political relations – see Burigo (2005,
p. 316).
88
