Page 317 - Panjek, Aleksander, Jesper Larsson and Luca Mocarelli, eds. 2017. Integrated Peasant Economy in a Comparative Perspective: Alps, Scandinavia and Beyond. Koper: University of Primorska Press
P. 317
and and labour as resources of an integrated peasant economy in a swedish district
trial markets. That in turn affected the price the ironmasters were willing to
pay for the charcoal they bought from the farmers and for the transportation
of ore and other goods done by the farmers. In the county of Kopparberg
the price for charcoal went down from 3.25 rd. (Riksdaler) per 10 hectoliter in
1866 to 2.75 and 2.60 the following three years. The prices for log timber was
stable meanwhile the price for sawn battens decreased (Jörberg 1972).
By the end of the 1860s Sweden was on the threshold of the industrial
revolution. The crop failure, however, occurred a few years before the eco-
nomic and technological renewal of the mining industry and before the rail-
road was built through the region. During the 19th Century, Swedish agricul-
ture went through a modernisation process through enclosure reforms, land
reclamations, iron gear, new farming methods, improved breeding, and spe-
cialisation. Already before 1830, Sweden had changed from being a major
importer to an exporter of grain, whereas livestock production took off later,
in connection with urbanisation and new food habits from the 1870s. Pro-
duction continued to rise throughout the century, as did the incomes in ag-
riculture, however unevenly distributed (Gadd 2000; Morell 2001).
2. The studied farms
2.1 Land, household and employed labour
All land used by the studied farms was private, since the villages had already,
in the late 18th or early 19th century, gone through the land-use reform storski-
fte, in which village-commons on outland were divided between the farms.
Backåkers was the smallest of the three farms in terms of area of arable
land and hay meadow, but the farm had rather large areas of outland (Table
13.1). Erik’s brother, mother, and father lived at the farm and a total of sev-
en persons in 1866, including one farmhand and one maid, constituted the
permanent (one-year basis) labour (Table 13.2). Erik Johansson occasion-
ally hired people from outside the village or parish for cutting wood and
logging for and building the charcoal kilns. More commonly, relatives and
neighbours, both women and men, served as temporary labour.
Matses was a rather large farm in terms of arable land and hay mead-
ow, but had less outland than the other two farms. Anders’ parents lived at
the farm and one maid was employed on a yearly basis, thus a labour force
of five adults in 1866. Anders Ersson occasionally mentioned that tempo-
rary labour was hired for logging, cutting fire wood, making and watch-
ing kilns, mowing, and digging ditches. No systematic information about
temporarily employed labour is available, but, when mentioned, around 20
315
trial markets. That in turn affected the price the ironmasters were willing to
pay for the charcoal they bought from the farmers and for the transportation
of ore and other goods done by the farmers. In the county of Kopparberg
the price for charcoal went down from 3.25 rd. (Riksdaler) per 10 hectoliter in
1866 to 2.75 and 2.60 the following three years. The prices for log timber was
stable meanwhile the price for sawn battens decreased (Jörberg 1972).
By the end of the 1860s Sweden was on the threshold of the industrial
revolution. The crop failure, however, occurred a few years before the eco-
nomic and technological renewal of the mining industry and before the rail-
road was built through the region. During the 19th Century, Swedish agricul-
ture went through a modernisation process through enclosure reforms, land
reclamations, iron gear, new farming methods, improved breeding, and spe-
cialisation. Already before 1830, Sweden had changed from being a major
importer to an exporter of grain, whereas livestock production took off later,
in connection with urbanisation and new food habits from the 1870s. Pro-
duction continued to rise throughout the century, as did the incomes in ag-
riculture, however unevenly distributed (Gadd 2000; Morell 2001).
2. The studied farms
2.1 Land, household and employed labour
All land used by the studied farms was private, since the villages had already,
in the late 18th or early 19th century, gone through the land-use reform storski-
fte, in which village-commons on outland were divided between the farms.
Backåkers was the smallest of the three farms in terms of area of arable
land and hay meadow, but the farm had rather large areas of outland (Table
13.1). Erik’s brother, mother, and father lived at the farm and a total of sev-
en persons in 1866, including one farmhand and one maid, constituted the
permanent (one-year basis) labour (Table 13.2). Erik Johansson occasion-
ally hired people from outside the village or parish for cutting wood and
logging for and building the charcoal kilns. More commonly, relatives and
neighbours, both women and men, served as temporary labour.
Matses was a rather large farm in terms of arable land and hay mead-
ow, but had less outland than the other two farms. Anders’ parents lived at
the farm and one maid was employed on a yearly basis, thus a labour force
of five adults in 1866. Anders Ersson occasionally mentioned that tempo-
rary labour was hired for logging, cutting fire wood, making and watch-
ing kilns, mowing, and digging ditches. No systematic information about
temporarily employed labour is available, but, when mentioned, around 20
315
