Page 402 - Panjek, Aleksander, Jesper Larsson and Luca Mocarelli, eds. 2017. Integrated Peasant Economy in a Comparative Perspective: Alps, Scandinavia and Beyond. Koper: University of Primorska Press
P. 402
integr ated peasant economy in a compar ative perspective
the northern parts of Östergötland and Västergötland (regions in south
west and south east Sweden) peasants were foremost pure agricultural-
ists. Such areas produced surpluses of grain, which were sold in deficit ar-
eas found in northern Sweden, much of Norway, forested districts every-
where in Sweden, but not least the mining and iron making districts (with
concentrations of non-agricultural labour), the most important one locat-
ed in central Sweden, in the north-western parts of Västmanland, southern
Dalarna, southern Gästrikland, Northern Uppland and eastern Värmland
(Åmark 1915; see Map 17.2).
In some districts on Jutland, however, pottery, knitting, tatting and
clog making was of particular importance up to the mid-19th century
(Rosander 1980, 25–30). Some plain land peasants in the northern part of
the Lake Mälaren basin were involved in transport work, since they trans-
ported grain (sometimes on commission) to the iron making area on sledg-
es during winter (when their opportunity cost of labour was low). On the
way back towards the harbour towns at the lake, they took iron.2 Thus,
even in such districts certain households could adapt to markets in other
ways than selling grain. Were these peasants proto-industrial? Well, it was
landed peasant households rather than sub-subsistence dwarf holdings in-
volved, they did use the off-season low opportunity cost labour and they
were specialised. But they sold services, not manufactured goods, and the
market was by necessity very close.
Another example: One plain land diary writing peasant from the early
19th century, Pehr Jansson in the Vittinge parish (mixed plain/forest parish)
on the border between Västmanland and Uppland, had a holding so small
that he could not secure regular grain surpluses. Instead the household reg-
ularly bought grain and distilled vodka from it using good access to fire-
wood and the low opportunity cost of wintertime labour.3 This was inten-
sification and it paid off. There is some evidence that quite a lot of the grain
surplus produced in parts of the Lake Mälaren area in the early 19th centu-
ry was refined into alcohol and sold to urban markets, since the mining ar-
eas by then to a large extent started to become more self-sufficient in grain
(Ulväng 2001, 4; Åmark 1915).
Pehr Jansson also – like many others – made use of his human capi-
tal, his ability to read and write well. He became a hundreds court layman
2 A couple of the diary writing peasants I have studied, Olof Jansson in Kila (Nordis-
ka museet SBD 70) and Erik Andersson in Medåker (Nordiska museet SBD 67) be-
long to this category. Cf. Morell 2016.
3 Jansson 1968. Cf. Morell 2017 (forthcoming in Historisk tidskrift).
400
the northern parts of Östergötland and Västergötland (regions in south
west and south east Sweden) peasants were foremost pure agricultural-
ists. Such areas produced surpluses of grain, which were sold in deficit ar-
eas found in northern Sweden, much of Norway, forested districts every-
where in Sweden, but not least the mining and iron making districts (with
concentrations of non-agricultural labour), the most important one locat-
ed in central Sweden, in the north-western parts of Västmanland, southern
Dalarna, southern Gästrikland, Northern Uppland and eastern Värmland
(Åmark 1915; see Map 17.2).
In some districts on Jutland, however, pottery, knitting, tatting and
clog making was of particular importance up to the mid-19th century
(Rosander 1980, 25–30). Some plain land peasants in the northern part of
the Lake Mälaren basin were involved in transport work, since they trans-
ported grain (sometimes on commission) to the iron making area on sledg-
es during winter (when their opportunity cost of labour was low). On the
way back towards the harbour towns at the lake, they took iron.2 Thus,
even in such districts certain households could adapt to markets in other
ways than selling grain. Were these peasants proto-industrial? Well, it was
landed peasant households rather than sub-subsistence dwarf holdings in-
volved, they did use the off-season low opportunity cost labour and they
were specialised. But they sold services, not manufactured goods, and the
market was by necessity very close.
Another example: One plain land diary writing peasant from the early
19th century, Pehr Jansson in the Vittinge parish (mixed plain/forest parish)
on the border between Västmanland and Uppland, had a holding so small
that he could not secure regular grain surpluses. Instead the household reg-
ularly bought grain and distilled vodka from it using good access to fire-
wood and the low opportunity cost of wintertime labour.3 This was inten-
sification and it paid off. There is some evidence that quite a lot of the grain
surplus produced in parts of the Lake Mälaren area in the early 19th centu-
ry was refined into alcohol and sold to urban markets, since the mining ar-
eas by then to a large extent started to become more self-sufficient in grain
(Ulväng 2001, 4; Åmark 1915).
Pehr Jansson also – like many others – made use of his human capi-
tal, his ability to read and write well. He became a hundreds court layman
2 A couple of the diary writing peasants I have studied, Olof Jansson in Kila (Nordis-
ka museet SBD 70) and Erik Andersson in Medåker (Nordiska museet SBD 67) be-
long to this category. Cf. Morell 2016.
3 Jansson 1968. Cf. Morell 2017 (forthcoming in Historisk tidskrift).
400
