Page 407 - Panjek, Aleksander, Jesper Larsson and Luca Mocarelli, eds. 2017. Integrated Peasant Economy in a Comparative Perspective: Alps, Scandinavia and Beyond. Koper: University of Primorska Press
P. 407
pluriactivity, proto-industrialisation or integrated peasant economy?
the peasant producers largely lost control of the raw material. A pure put-
ting out system developed and also became the foundation of a vital factory
textile industry, which soon outcompeted the craft production in the area
(Utterström 1957 II, 24–182). The textile and trade tradition from this area
is still visible, although textile production is now carried out overseas. Ped-
lars from the area continued to travel around Sweden far in to the second
half of the 20th century, and the district totally dominated mail order trade
in textile and clothing, throughout the 20th century. Here too, it might be
adequate to talk of a proto-industrial phase proper. The households worked
for a national market, there occurred strong local specialisation, land was
severely subdivided below subsistence level and population increase was
substantial particularly up to the 1860s.
In a couple of northern districts (Hälsingland and northern Ånger-
manland) too, linen production based on locally produced flax developed.
There were medieval origins, shown by the fact that the 13th century Hel-
singe law talked of taxes from Ångermanland partly to be paid in linen
(Morell 1982, 57). Here too however, expansion was strong in the late 18th
and early 19th century. In these cases, peasants kept control over the raw
material and the ready-made goods to be traded, and no putting out sys-
tem (but a credit system sometimes driven by peasant tradesmen) evolved
(Utterström 1957 II, 27–48; Morell 1982, 112–3, 129–33). Unlike in south-west
Sweden there was no switch over to cotton, so the textile tradition slow-
ly vanished, particularly in the Ångermanland district, where production
was specialised into finer qualities more consistently outcompeted by cot-
ton. Instead peasants got involved in the expanding timber trade and also
in the upswing of local agriculture promoted by the timber trade. More-
over, while wages trended downwards in western Sweden, the timber trade
contributed to their rise in the North (Utterström 1957 II, 202–18; Schön
1972, 92).
It is quite clear that the northern peasants did not turn to linen craft
out of poverty. Indeed, the linen trade brought a certain level of wellbeing
to the area, documented not least in the massive, large ornamented hous-
es that were built (Utterström 1957 II, 70). There is evidence from northern
Ångermanland that well-to-do, peasant households and even priest house-
holds embarked early on the weaving (Utterström 1957 II, endnote 103, 392–
3). It is thus quite clear that this route was chosen because it was profitable,
not at all from sheer poverty. It was a way to exploit a rising economic op-
portunity.
405
the peasant producers largely lost control of the raw material. A pure put-
ting out system developed and also became the foundation of a vital factory
textile industry, which soon outcompeted the craft production in the area
(Utterström 1957 II, 24–182). The textile and trade tradition from this area
is still visible, although textile production is now carried out overseas. Ped-
lars from the area continued to travel around Sweden far in to the second
half of the 20th century, and the district totally dominated mail order trade
in textile and clothing, throughout the 20th century. Here too, it might be
adequate to talk of a proto-industrial phase proper. The households worked
for a national market, there occurred strong local specialisation, land was
severely subdivided below subsistence level and population increase was
substantial particularly up to the 1860s.
In a couple of northern districts (Hälsingland and northern Ånger-
manland) too, linen production based on locally produced flax developed.
There were medieval origins, shown by the fact that the 13th century Hel-
singe law talked of taxes from Ångermanland partly to be paid in linen
(Morell 1982, 57). Here too however, expansion was strong in the late 18th
and early 19th century. In these cases, peasants kept control over the raw
material and the ready-made goods to be traded, and no putting out sys-
tem (but a credit system sometimes driven by peasant tradesmen) evolved
(Utterström 1957 II, 27–48; Morell 1982, 112–3, 129–33). Unlike in south-west
Sweden there was no switch over to cotton, so the textile tradition slow-
ly vanished, particularly in the Ångermanland district, where production
was specialised into finer qualities more consistently outcompeted by cot-
ton. Instead peasants got involved in the expanding timber trade and also
in the upswing of local agriculture promoted by the timber trade. More-
over, while wages trended downwards in western Sweden, the timber trade
contributed to their rise in the North (Utterström 1957 II, 202–18; Schön
1972, 92).
It is quite clear that the northern peasants did not turn to linen craft
out of poverty. Indeed, the linen trade brought a certain level of wellbeing
to the area, documented not least in the massive, large ornamented hous-
es that were built (Utterström 1957 II, 70). There is evidence from northern
Ångermanland that well-to-do, peasant households and even priest house-
holds embarked early on the weaving (Utterström 1957 II, endnote 103, 392–
3). It is thus quite clear that this route was chosen because it was profitable,
not at all from sheer poverty. It was a way to exploit a rising economic op-
portunity.
405
