Page 15 - S. Ličen, I. Karnjuš, & M. Prosen (Eds.). (2019). Women, migrations and health: Ensuring transcultural healthcare. Koper, University of Primorska Press.
P. 15
Gendered Migration and the Social Integration of Migrants in Slovenia
are also individual differences like in attachment to the homeland, parents,
friends, etc.
The Slovenian Context: Between the Local and Global Dimension
When it comes to identifying and integrating migrants in Slovenia, most of
whom are from former Yugoslavia, it would not be out of place if we first take
a small ‘excursion.’ Although this is a matter of a minority that is not con-
stitutionally recognised as such, their minority status was acquired upon a
change in national-legal belonging – that is, with the fall of Yugoslavia and
Slovenia’s independence. The Slovenian example is not a classic immigrant
situation. The rapid rise of industry after World War II depleted much of the
region’s ‘reserve’ workforce, thereby creating the conditions for employing
workers from other republics of former Yugoslavia. Some figures show the
influx began around 1961 and already by 1963 23,203 seasonal workers had
come to Slovenia. Most came from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia, and
then from Serbia (Medica, 2010).
A large share of these workers came from generally less developed regions
where opportunities for basic and higher education were limited. The mi-
grants were predominantly unskilled, low-wage labour and from the poor-
est societal classes. A certain percentage of these people were officer corps
from the former country who had chosen to remain in Slovenia; others came
for schooling and higher education and stayed. During the war in former Yu-
goslavia, refugees also arrived in Slovenia, with some later remaining. Work-
ers from former Yugoslavia are actually a fixture in Slovenia as their destina-
tion country. Migration from countries in the region is quite typical of Slove-
nia to this day as they make up the biggest share of migration with them
representing more than 85 of all migrants. Much like in other countries,
stronger migration flows from Asia (China, Thailand) are also seen in Slove-
nia. However, the share of migrants from non-European countries in Slovenia
is very low at below 3 of all migrants (Pajnik, 2012, p. 148).
In terms of gender specificities, Slovenia shows a pattern where more than
two-thirds of migrants are men, whereas in Hungary, Finland and Germany
the balance is more even. There are more migrant women than men in Italy
and Cyprus, where the feminisation of migration has been noted in the last
few years. Sectors that involve migrant women, particularly the so-called
feminised sectors, are domestic and care work, healthcare, beauty spas and
wellness business, as well as sex work (Pajnik, 2012, p. 149).
About female migrants in Slovenia in general, we can say that they primar-
ily migrate for marriage or family reunification (see http://www.ess.gov.si).
13
are also individual differences like in attachment to the homeland, parents,
friends, etc.
The Slovenian Context: Between the Local and Global Dimension
When it comes to identifying and integrating migrants in Slovenia, most of
whom are from former Yugoslavia, it would not be out of place if we first take
a small ‘excursion.’ Although this is a matter of a minority that is not con-
stitutionally recognised as such, their minority status was acquired upon a
change in national-legal belonging – that is, with the fall of Yugoslavia and
Slovenia’s independence. The Slovenian example is not a classic immigrant
situation. The rapid rise of industry after World War II depleted much of the
region’s ‘reserve’ workforce, thereby creating the conditions for employing
workers from other republics of former Yugoslavia. Some figures show the
influx began around 1961 and already by 1963 23,203 seasonal workers had
come to Slovenia. Most came from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia, and
then from Serbia (Medica, 2010).
A large share of these workers came from generally less developed regions
where opportunities for basic and higher education were limited. The mi-
grants were predominantly unskilled, low-wage labour and from the poor-
est societal classes. A certain percentage of these people were officer corps
from the former country who had chosen to remain in Slovenia; others came
for schooling and higher education and stayed. During the war in former Yu-
goslavia, refugees also arrived in Slovenia, with some later remaining. Work-
ers from former Yugoslavia are actually a fixture in Slovenia as their destina-
tion country. Migration from countries in the region is quite typical of Slove-
nia to this day as they make up the biggest share of migration with them
representing more than 85 of all migrants. Much like in other countries,
stronger migration flows from Asia (China, Thailand) are also seen in Slove-
nia. However, the share of migrants from non-European countries in Slovenia
is very low at below 3 of all migrants (Pajnik, 2012, p. 148).
In terms of gender specificities, Slovenia shows a pattern where more than
two-thirds of migrants are men, whereas in Hungary, Finland and Germany
the balance is more even. There are more migrant women than men in Italy
and Cyprus, where the feminisation of migration has been noted in the last
few years. Sectors that involve migrant women, particularly the so-called
feminised sectors, are domestic and care work, healthcare, beauty spas and
wellness business, as well as sex work (Pajnik, 2012, p. 149).
About female migrants in Slovenia in general, we can say that they primar-
ily migrate for marriage or family reunification (see http://www.ess.gov.si).
13
