Page 63 - Studia Universitatis Hereditati, vol 11(1) (2023)
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ia universitatisan and the Balkan Slavic languages.5 The deci- pared’, literally ‘(It is) prepared lunches and din-
sive criterion here would be the placement of the ners’, Tak mu się to powiedzialo, ‘He told so (in-
centr al european con vergence ar ea: theor etical and methodological consider ations 63 accent, namely on the first syllable in the ‘core’ voluntarily)’, literally ‘So was this said to him’,
languages (i.e. German, Hungarian, Czech, Slo- Russian Mne zevaetsja, ‘I am yawning’, literally
vak) and not on the first syllable in the ‘peripher- ‘It is yawning to me’), the Central European lan-
al’ ones (i.e. Polish, Slovenian). guages are to be distinguished by the predomi-
nant absence of such sentence structures. Sen-
The Central European linguistic area is tence structures with a finite verb form and an
to be delimited in relation to the Western Eu- unmarked subject-verb-object word order are
ropean, North-Eastern European (among the predominant in the Western European languag-
North-Eastern European languages Polish, Rus- es, which is thought to be a consequence of the
sian, Belarusian and Ukrainian as well as Lithu- emergence of analyticism within the nominal
anian and Finnish are mentioned), and Balkan and pronominal systems.6
linguistic areas. First, in relation to the so-called
Western European languages, which have an an- According to Kurzová (1996 and 2019), the
alytic nominal ‘declension’, the Central Europe- individual features of the languages of the Cen-
an languages can be distinguished by their reten- tral European linguistic area are supposed to
tion of a synthetic nominal morphology. This is be as follows: A) on the phonetic level: 1) the
the case of word inflection (German Wortflex- placement of the accent on the first syllable; 2)
ion) in German, stem inflection (German Stam- a phonologically relevant quantitative opposi-
mflexion) in Slavic, and agglutination in Hun- tion; and B) on the morphosyntactic level: 1)
garian. It is assumed that German retained the synthetic nominal inflexion; 2) synthetic com-
synthetic declension due to contact with Slav- parison of adjectives and adverbs; 3) a simple
ic languages and Hungarian. Second, from the three-tense verb system (consisting of past, pres-
so-called North-Eastern European languages, ent and future) without any formal and seman-
which display various types of sentences other tic (functional) distinction between the differ-
than those with finite verb form and the agent ent past tense forms; 4) periphrastic future with
and the patient in the nominative and accusa- an auxiliary verb with an ingressive meaning
tive case, respectively (Polish Gotowano obiady (i.e. German werden ‘to become’, Slavic *bǫd- ‘to
I wieczerze, ‘Lunches and dinners are being pre- become’, Hungarian fog ‘to grab, grasp’); 5) per-
iphrastic passive; 6) bicentric sentence structure
5 In the framework of genealogical linguistics, ‘Serbo-Cro- with an unmarked subject-verb-object word or-
atian’ has been replaced by the more appropriate term, der; 7) limited use of participles; 8) relative claus-
namely Central South Slavic, cf. Croatian srednjojužno- es with relative pronouns, originating from
slavenski jezik ‘Central South Slavic language’ (Lončarić interrogative pronouns; 9) productivity of pre-
1996, 29), Russian srednejužnoslovjanskie govory ‘Central fixation and, consequently, high frequency of
South Slavic varieties’ (Obščeslavjanskij lingvističeskij prefixed verbs.
atlas 2006, 158), etc. This geolect (i.e. a geographical lin-
guistic phenomenon) emcompasses the following dialect Linguistic genealogy vs. areal linguistic
macro-areas: Kajkavian, Čakavian, Western Štokavian, typology
and Eastern Štokavian. On the basis of the Eastern Her- From the above survey of the structural linguis-
cegovinian dialect (istočnohercegovački dijalekt), a literara- tic features of the languages of the hypothesized
ry language was formed in the mid-19th century – cf. the Central European convergence area, the over-
Vienna Literary Agreement (bečki književni dogovor) from all theoretical-methodological approach in de-
1850 – called srpskohrvatski ‘Serbo-Croatian’ or hrvatskos-
rpski ‘Croato-Serbian’. After 1991, the standard language 6 However, the Central European convergence area seems
in question split into four independent standard languag- to be open mainly to the Western European and North-
es, i.e. sociolects (note here that sociolects are social lin- Eastern European linguistic areas, but not to the Balkan
guistic phenomena and have little or nothing to do with one.
geneolinguistic classification), Croatian, Serbian, Bos-
nian, and Montenegrin. Thus, the term ‘Serbo-Croatian’
has the value of a historical denomination, i.e. it refers to
the historical literary/standard language (c. 1850–1991)
that took shape and was in use in the entire Central South
Slavic linguistic area.
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