Page 111 - Studia Universitatis Hereditati, vol 12(1) (2024)

These developments were possible part- mals as hosts of tsetse and trypanosomes and ex-
ly as a result of the nineteenth century medi- tensive bush clearing (Adu-Gyamfi and Donkoh
cal revolution, which basically dealt with inves- 2013). Preventive measures that were implement-
tigations into scientific causes of diseases (King ed within the period include eradicating the
1960). These developments changed the sleeping tsetse fly in certain areas, most notably the de-
sickness therapy and its associated theories that struction of their habitat. Again, another strat-
had thus far proven ineffective (Coghe 2017). egy employed within the period was the reloca-
In contrast, Ford’s (1971) study of the tsetse fly tion of people. Often, it was the relocation of the
problem in Africa argued that wider develop- entire population or a whole village from tsetse
ments or progress was the answer to the tsetse fly zones (Coghe 2017). Notwithstanding the ex-
fly question, while not overlooking the fact that isting research on trypanosomiasis, the African
pre-colonial indigenous systems were also high- population attributed the disease to supernat-
ly effective. This was partly due to the fact that ural causes (Cunningham et al. 2016). To em- 111
trypanosomiasis had long existed on the conti- phasize, the indigenous population attributed
nent and hence, the indigenous population had the scourge of the disease to the offences the lo-
developed traditional strategies to combat the cal population had committed against the gods.
disease. Similarly, in an article “Trypanosomi- Sometimes it was also attributed to a purport-
asis Control in African History: An Evaded is- ed misdemeanour they had committed against
sue”, Giblin (1990) referred to Ford concerning their ancestors. This was due to the fact that the
the fact that pre-colonial African societies suc- Asante, explained diseases within the social con-
cessfully co-existed with trypanosomiasis. Ford text of health hence, the social causation ele-
(1971) has again lamented that the early coloni- ment suffices as the cause for such explanations.
al epidemics of trypanosomiasis was a direct re- The above discourse also proves that the trypa-
sult of changing ecological dynamics influenced nosomiasis question has persisted over a centu-
by colonial conquest as well as the pattern of re- ry and cannot be defined or attributed to a re-
covery following the rinderpest (infectious viral cent phenomenon.
disease of cattle). However, in their research “A Adu Gyamfi (2010) and Adu-Gyamfi, Osei-
Historical Review of Diseases and Disease Pre- Wusu, and Owusu Ansah (2013) paid attention
vention in the Gold Coast; A Focus on Asante”, to broader studies which captured aspects of the
Adu-Gyamfi and Donkoh argued that trypano- fight against trypanosomiasis in Ghana. Gri- Indigenous and European Policies and Strategies for Combatting Asante Trypanosomiasis
somiasis existed in sub-Saharan Africa long be- schow (2006) also did some general studies on
fore 1903. However, when the vector was identi- trypanosomiasis in Ghana. The above notwith-
fied in Asante, they raised arguments concerning standing, there is still the need to re-interrogate
the limited knowledge of the local population the nature of the disease and the type of indig-
concerning the disease. This resulted in sever- enous responses that came from Asante. In par-
al fatalities within the period until 1905 when a ticular, within the twentieth century, the nature
survey research was done to ascertain the cause of the relationship between the British Coloni-
of the outbreak. al Administration and Asante traditional au-
Following a series of research committees thority, as well as the effort of the indigenous
and scientific surveys, the vectors and the caus- population to prevent and combat the trypa-
ative agents were recognized and this was fol- nosomiasis scourge, has not been fully explicat-
lowed by practical measures that were put in ed. This needs further interpretation especially
place to combat the disease. These included the within the framework of the impact of ill health
use of the first arsenical compounds to treat on the socio-economic space of the people of
the disease, resettlement of the exposed popu- Ghana and Asante in particular. The current
lation, an attempt to eliminate wild game ani- contribution is guided by the following ques-