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8.6 Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria
and Iveković Martinis and Sujoldžić (2021) in relation to w w i i-related
heritage. However, results show that wwi i-related dark commemorative
events in Istria are less endangered than others. This further confirms the
claims of Pavlaković and Perak (2017) that the attitude to wwi i is differ-
ent in Istria. Nevertheless, it should be further examined how to com-
bine professional, personal and family obligations/duties and habits (e.g.
holidays, vacations) as well as knowledge and awareness, by participat-
ing at history-centric dark commemorative events. This necessary step
is needed in order to determine whether Istrian history-centric memo-
rial practices are moving towards collective amnesia, which is, in gen-
eral, described by Haebich (2011) and Ricoeur (2012) (see sub-chapter
3.2 ‘Memory and History’). Moreover, if this phenomenon is a sponta-
neous and natural (this time not forced or penal) damnatio memoriae of
contemporary Istrian society, then this also requires additional interdis-
ciplinary research. These investigations would be additionally reasonable
since Istria has already encountered unadvised/prohibited memory prac-
tices (damnatio memoriae) in the past, e.g. Slavic-oriented in the time of
fascism, religious, including those related to the deaths of Bl. Bulešić and
Bl. Bonifacio, or those related to Italian emigrants in the period of the
Second Yugoslavia.
When mentioning the age or generation of visitors, there is one more
thing worth pointing out. Senior visitors at wwi i-related events as well
as events related to the post-w w i i socialist revolution personally ex-
perienced or observed the violence, which means that their memory is
first-generation memory – as described by Hirsch (2008) – or autobio-
graphical memory as defined by Halbwachs (1992).¹⁹ The same applies to
middle-aged or late middle-aged visitors of the Homeland War-related
dark commemorative events (Homeland Thanksgiving Day and Day of
Croatian Defenders). They evidently constitute the main active target
group of visitors for all observed dark commemorative events. Hence,
even though the ‘carriers’ of the second and the third generation mem-
ory were still present (to a limited extent) in Kućibreg and Svetvinčenat,
the third generation was almost entirely missing in Pula, Lanišće and
Buje. The practices and consequences of the intergenerational transfer
are therefore different. It can be concluded that collective memory – con-
¹⁹ Interestingly, traumatic experiences then impact the attitude of dark tourism devel-
opment, where seniors with those experiences can react in a very unsupportive way
(Simone-Charteris et al., 2018).
181
and Iveković Martinis and Sujoldžić (2021) in relation to w w i i-related
heritage. However, results show that wwi i-related dark commemorative
events in Istria are less endangered than others. This further confirms the
claims of Pavlaković and Perak (2017) that the attitude to wwi i is differ-
ent in Istria. Nevertheless, it should be further examined how to com-
bine professional, personal and family obligations/duties and habits (e.g.
holidays, vacations) as well as knowledge and awareness, by participat-
ing at history-centric dark commemorative events. This necessary step
is needed in order to determine whether Istrian history-centric memo-
rial practices are moving towards collective amnesia, which is, in gen-
eral, described by Haebich (2011) and Ricoeur (2012) (see sub-chapter
3.2 ‘Memory and History’). Moreover, if this phenomenon is a sponta-
neous and natural (this time not forced or penal) damnatio memoriae of
contemporary Istrian society, then this also requires additional interdis-
ciplinary research. These investigations would be additionally reasonable
since Istria has already encountered unadvised/prohibited memory prac-
tices (damnatio memoriae) in the past, e.g. Slavic-oriented in the time of
fascism, religious, including those related to the deaths of Bl. Bulešić and
Bl. Bonifacio, or those related to Italian emigrants in the period of the
Second Yugoslavia.
When mentioning the age or generation of visitors, there is one more
thing worth pointing out. Senior visitors at wwi i-related events as well
as events related to the post-w w i i socialist revolution personally ex-
perienced or observed the violence, which means that their memory is
first-generation memory – as described by Hirsch (2008) – or autobio-
graphical memory as defined by Halbwachs (1992).¹⁹ The same applies to
middle-aged or late middle-aged visitors of the Homeland War-related
dark commemorative events (Homeland Thanksgiving Day and Day of
Croatian Defenders). They evidently constitute the main active target
group of visitors for all observed dark commemorative events. Hence,
even though the ‘carriers’ of the second and the third generation mem-
ory were still present (to a limited extent) in Kućibreg and Svetvinčenat,
the third generation was almost entirely missing in Pula, Lanišće and
Buje. The practices and consequences of the intergenerational transfer
are therefore different. It can be concluded that collective memory – con-
¹⁹ Interestingly, traumatic experiences then impact the attitude of dark tourism devel-
opment, where seniors with those experiences can react in a very unsupportive way
(Simone-Charteris et al., 2018).
181
