Page 186 - Dark Shades of Istria
P. 186
Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis
derstanding of the motivation and experiences of visitors.²⁷ On the other
hand, Podoshen (2013) argued that motivations of visitors are not neces-
sarily always directly related to simulation, interaction and their integra-
tion with death and suffering. However, the ‘memory of the victims as the
key reason for the visit’ indicator turned out to be the least questionable
at all the events involved: the memory of the martyrdom of Bl. Bulešić or
Bl. Bonifacio, of fallen Croatian, Slovenian and Italian anti-fascists (Par-
tisans) and defenders in the Homeland war in Croatia is what motivated
visitors.²⁸
In addition to many historical facts mentioned there, many irrational
or emotional moments happen at all events, which is in line with the
claims of Lennon and Foley (2000) and Ashworth (2008, p. 234) on emo-
tions, which must go beyond memories at such events. Moreover, this
is also completely in line with the claims of Pavlaković and Perak (2017,
p. 301) on emotional dimensions, which also increase ‘attention, moti-
vation and reasoning about the implications of the commemoration for
the national cultural model, which is one of the most important func-
tions of commemorative rituals.’ According to Chronis (2012, p. 1798),
events should foster empathy between the visitor and the victim(s) and
this was evident at the chosen events. Proving these findings are the many
phrases of gratitude and respect, songs and performances, visitors that
were singing songs with performers, and applause.
Similarly to the Australian example highlighted by McKay (2013),
McKenna and Ward (2007), and Reynolds and Lake (2010), sentimental-
isation of military conflicts and martyrdom was also observed. Honorary
corps or other uniformed military and police representatives and salvos
were not part of the programme – uniformed military and police repre-
sentatives were present only in Pula, where, however, they participated
only as visitors. Consequently, it is difficult to understand these events as
militarisation of the history and culture or encouragement of some kind
of militaristic ideas. This cannot be claimed for all Istrian dark commem-
orative events in the 20th century, where Istrian society was constantly
²⁷ Even Best’s (2007, p. 38) and Seaton’s (1996, p. 240) definitions of thanatourism are based
on the motivations.
²⁸ If we use Light’s (2017, p. 286) findings, not only memory/remembrance should be in-
cluded in the research, but a whole series of other related aspects, e.g. desire or opportu-
nity for education, sense of moral duty, connecting with one’s personal or family heritage.
However, in this case a more complex and in-depth quantitative approach should be used,
which in fact goes beyond the scope of this study.
186
derstanding of the motivation and experiences of visitors.²⁷ On the other
hand, Podoshen (2013) argued that motivations of visitors are not neces-
sarily always directly related to simulation, interaction and their integra-
tion with death and suffering. However, the ‘memory of the victims as the
key reason for the visit’ indicator turned out to be the least questionable
at all the events involved: the memory of the martyrdom of Bl. Bulešić or
Bl. Bonifacio, of fallen Croatian, Slovenian and Italian anti-fascists (Par-
tisans) and defenders in the Homeland war in Croatia is what motivated
visitors.²⁸
In addition to many historical facts mentioned there, many irrational
or emotional moments happen at all events, which is in line with the
claims of Lennon and Foley (2000) and Ashworth (2008, p. 234) on emo-
tions, which must go beyond memories at such events. Moreover, this
is also completely in line with the claims of Pavlaković and Perak (2017,
p. 301) on emotional dimensions, which also increase ‘attention, moti-
vation and reasoning about the implications of the commemoration for
the national cultural model, which is one of the most important func-
tions of commemorative rituals.’ According to Chronis (2012, p. 1798),
events should foster empathy between the visitor and the victim(s) and
this was evident at the chosen events. Proving these findings are the many
phrases of gratitude and respect, songs and performances, visitors that
were singing songs with performers, and applause.
Similarly to the Australian example highlighted by McKay (2013),
McKenna and Ward (2007), and Reynolds and Lake (2010), sentimental-
isation of military conflicts and martyrdom was also observed. Honorary
corps or other uniformed military and police representatives and salvos
were not part of the programme – uniformed military and police repre-
sentatives were present only in Pula, where, however, they participated
only as visitors. Consequently, it is difficult to understand these events as
militarisation of the history and culture or encouragement of some kind
of militaristic ideas. This cannot be claimed for all Istrian dark commem-
orative events in the 20th century, where Istrian society was constantly
²⁷ Even Best’s (2007, p. 38) and Seaton’s (1996, p. 240) definitions of thanatourism are based
on the motivations.
²⁸ If we use Light’s (2017, p. 286) findings, not only memory/remembrance should be in-
cluded in the research, but a whole series of other related aspects, e.g. desire or opportu-
nity for education, sense of moral duty, connecting with one’s personal or family heritage.
However, in this case a more complex and in-depth quantitative approach should be used,
which in fact goes beyond the scope of this study.
186
