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8.6 Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria
heavily militarised, which was described in more detail in the previous
chapters. During the period of Fascist Italy, for example, even the main
speakers at the events and the most loyal members of the Fascist Party
(as visitors) wore the characteristic black uniforms, which means that
the carabineers and police officers were not the only uniformed people
there – see Altin and Badurina (2017, pp. 325–326). This way we only par-
tially answered rq 3 where we were also looking for ideological topics,
regionalism, convivenza and symbols.
Additional negative social deviations, such as historical revisionism,
mythologisation and politicisation usually coexist with commemorative
practices (Miklavcic, 2008). Myths are often above accurate historical
facts (Schopflin & Hosking, 1997, p. 19), which can reduce culture to pol-
itics and ideology. Post-conflict situations in Istria from the fascist time
(Dato, 2014; Gentile, 1996, pp. 25–28, 88; Kavrečič, 2017; Orlović, 2014a, p.
118) still face such deviations in today’s post-socialist society (Mustapić &
Balabanić, 2018). It would be interesting to explore and compare the de-
gree of mythologisation of these events in a more systematic way since
many irrational actions and reactions that can be linked to mythologi-
sation were observed in the analysed cases. Myths can be – according to
Armstrong (1991) – understood as a unifying factor, which is, together
with symbols, communication and many other cultural and symbolic
components, decisive for shaping the common identity.
Convivenza as a characteristic feature of the common Istrian identity
– described in sub-chapter 5.2 ‘Istrian Identity’ – was assumed to be re-
flected every time and everywhere, but this was only partially confirmed.
Only at the memorial in Kućibreg were common history, coexistence, col-
laboration and tolerance as a basis of convivenza especially highlighted
in the speeches and cultural programme. At all other events they were
not mentioned at all. The same conclusion can be made in relation to
regionalism. Local and regional political representatives of liberal-social-
democratic ideological orientation highlighted past and present life, anti-
fascism in Istria, and criticised the political decisions and orientation of
the Croatian government. Many of those representatives also spoke in
Pula, but there such critiques or links to past life in Istria were not heard.
There, politicians were focused on the Homeland War, its victims and
contemporary Croatia and Istria, although not in the rationalistic con-
text. Both in Kućibreg and in Pula, the regional anthem Krasna zemljo,
Istro mila was sung, while in Kućibreg the anthem Vstajenje Primorske,
the unofficial anthem of Western Slovenia, was sung at the end as well.
187
heavily militarised, which was described in more detail in the previous
chapters. During the period of Fascist Italy, for example, even the main
speakers at the events and the most loyal members of the Fascist Party
(as visitors) wore the characteristic black uniforms, which means that
the carabineers and police officers were not the only uniformed people
there – see Altin and Badurina (2017, pp. 325–326). This way we only par-
tially answered rq 3 where we were also looking for ideological topics,
regionalism, convivenza and symbols.
Additional negative social deviations, such as historical revisionism,
mythologisation and politicisation usually coexist with commemorative
practices (Miklavcic, 2008). Myths are often above accurate historical
facts (Schopflin & Hosking, 1997, p. 19), which can reduce culture to pol-
itics and ideology. Post-conflict situations in Istria from the fascist time
(Dato, 2014; Gentile, 1996, pp. 25–28, 88; Kavrečič, 2017; Orlović, 2014a, p.
118) still face such deviations in today’s post-socialist society (Mustapić &
Balabanić, 2018). It would be interesting to explore and compare the de-
gree of mythologisation of these events in a more systematic way since
many irrational actions and reactions that can be linked to mythologi-
sation were observed in the analysed cases. Myths can be – according to
Armstrong (1991) – understood as a unifying factor, which is, together
with symbols, communication and many other cultural and symbolic
components, decisive for shaping the common identity.
Convivenza as a characteristic feature of the common Istrian identity
– described in sub-chapter 5.2 ‘Istrian Identity’ – was assumed to be re-
flected every time and everywhere, but this was only partially confirmed.
Only at the memorial in Kućibreg were common history, coexistence, col-
laboration and tolerance as a basis of convivenza especially highlighted
in the speeches and cultural programme. At all other events they were
not mentioned at all. The same conclusion can be made in relation to
regionalism. Local and regional political representatives of liberal-social-
democratic ideological orientation highlighted past and present life, anti-
fascism in Istria, and criticised the political decisions and orientation of
the Croatian government. Many of those representatives also spoke in
Pula, but there such critiques or links to past life in Istria were not heard.
There, politicians were focused on the Homeland War, its victims and
contemporary Croatia and Istria, although not in the rationalistic con-
text. Both in Kućibreg and in Pula, the regional anthem Krasna zemljo,
Istro mila was sung, while in Kućibreg the anthem Vstajenje Primorske,
the unofficial anthem of Western Slovenia, was sung at the end as well.
187
