Page 75 - Dark Shades of Istria
P. 75
5.1 Region of Istria: A Political Geography Perspective
tossi and Krasna (1998) – but they have left deep and ineradicable traces
in Istrian society. After an extremely dynamic history, including all the
conflicts of the 20th century, Istria remains deeply subjected to Central
European, Roman and Balkan influences (Cocco, 2010; Raos, 2014, p. 36;
Urošević, 2012, pp. 95–96; Iveković Martinis & Sujoldžić, 2021).
From the geographical aspect, Istria is on the periphery of the countries
which it belongs to today (including their predecessors). On the other
hand, when it comes to the Slovenian part of Istria, Pelc (2009, p. 121)
claims that the area between Trieste and Koper is a typical non-peripheral
region (located between two centres, Trieste with an important histori-
cal role, and Koper), while the area toward the Croatian border is also
not understood as marginalised, although, according to some trends, it
will/could be faced with marginalisation in the future. The peripherality
of Croatian Istria is a political rather than economic and cultural issue
(Banovac et al., 2014, p. 463). Nevertheless, municipalities in Slovenian
Istria are among the above-averagely developed municipalities in Slove-
nia, which does not apply to border municipalities in Croatia in relation
to other Croatian municipalities (Pipan, 2007, pp. 226–227). On the other
hand, indicators of economic development of the North-Eastern Adriatic
region are higher than the national average of their respective state (Mar-
cks et al., 2016, pp. 13–16).
The often-changed state borders in the region in the 19th and 20th cen-
turies¹³ were semantically constructed as a cultural dividing line between
Latins and Slavs or Italo-fascists and Slav Communists, or the Democratic
West and the Communist East, which was the cause and consequence
of transnational conflicts (Bufon, 2008a; Kosmač, 2017, p. 2; Miklavcic,
2008, p. 442; Purini, 2012; Thomassen, 2006, pp. 156–157). Good past
interethnic relations between Slovenians and Croatians definitely had a
positive influence on (border) historiography, while the Slav-Italian re-
lations had a completely different impact (Strčić, 2011, p. 17). The recent
history of the Slovenian-Croatian border is labelled with politicisation,
including all the negative meanings of this phenomenon (Rožac-Darovec,
2015; Strčić, 2011, p. 27). The same applies to the Slovenian-Italian border,
where national borders were present and mostly ideologically and politi-
cally marked (Pelikan, 2012, p. 282; Verginella, 2009b; 2010). One nation
or educational institutions, n gos, etc. All of them are actually the ‘survival seeds’ of the
post-w w i i multicultural Istrian society.
¹³ More can be found in Bufon (2008b; 2008c).
75
tossi and Krasna (1998) – but they have left deep and ineradicable traces
in Istrian society. After an extremely dynamic history, including all the
conflicts of the 20th century, Istria remains deeply subjected to Central
European, Roman and Balkan influences (Cocco, 2010; Raos, 2014, p. 36;
Urošević, 2012, pp. 95–96; Iveković Martinis & Sujoldžić, 2021).
From the geographical aspect, Istria is on the periphery of the countries
which it belongs to today (including their predecessors). On the other
hand, when it comes to the Slovenian part of Istria, Pelc (2009, p. 121)
claims that the area between Trieste and Koper is a typical non-peripheral
region (located between two centres, Trieste with an important histori-
cal role, and Koper), while the area toward the Croatian border is also
not understood as marginalised, although, according to some trends, it
will/could be faced with marginalisation in the future. The peripherality
of Croatian Istria is a political rather than economic and cultural issue
(Banovac et al., 2014, p. 463). Nevertheless, municipalities in Slovenian
Istria are among the above-averagely developed municipalities in Slove-
nia, which does not apply to border municipalities in Croatia in relation
to other Croatian municipalities (Pipan, 2007, pp. 226–227). On the other
hand, indicators of economic development of the North-Eastern Adriatic
region are higher than the national average of their respective state (Mar-
cks et al., 2016, pp. 13–16).
The often-changed state borders in the region in the 19th and 20th cen-
turies¹³ were semantically constructed as a cultural dividing line between
Latins and Slavs or Italo-fascists and Slav Communists, or the Democratic
West and the Communist East, which was the cause and consequence
of transnational conflicts (Bufon, 2008a; Kosmač, 2017, p. 2; Miklavcic,
2008, p. 442; Purini, 2012; Thomassen, 2006, pp. 156–157). Good past
interethnic relations between Slovenians and Croatians definitely had a
positive influence on (border) historiography, while the Slav-Italian re-
lations had a completely different impact (Strčić, 2011, p. 17). The recent
history of the Slovenian-Croatian border is labelled with politicisation,
including all the negative meanings of this phenomenon (Rožac-Darovec,
2015; Strčić, 2011, p. 27). The same applies to the Slovenian-Italian border,
where national borders were present and mostly ideologically and politi-
cally marked (Pelikan, 2012, p. 282; Verginella, 2009b; 2010). One nation
or educational institutions, n gos, etc. All of them are actually the ‘survival seeds’ of the
post-w w i i multicultural Istrian society.
¹³ More can be found in Bufon (2008b; 2008c).
75
