Page 78 - Dark Shades of Istria
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Trans-Border Region of Istria
stantly faced in the border areas like Istria, according to Bufon (2007, pp.
220–233), are inferiority and superiority, ethnocentrism and exclusion of
difference, assimilation and acculturation. The latter was also perceived
in the Slovenian-Italian border area in Istria by Zadel and Sedmak (2015,
pp. 164–165) and Zadel (2016).²⁰ All the aforementioned elements have
been affecting the demographic structure of society, which is certainly
different from the rest of Slovenia and Croatia.
5.2 Istrian Identity
Today’s strong identification with the region, which is greater than in
other parts of Slovenia and Croatia, is thus the result of the complex his-
tory, the geographical position on the Upper Adriatic at the junction of
the Latin and Slavic world with open borders, the proximity to devel-
oped and democratic Western Europe, the remoteness from the Balkan
hotspots and the relatively good economic standard. Consequently, the
area is labelled with Istrian multi-ethnicity, multi-culturality, diversity
and hybridity (Ashbrook, 2006; Baskar, 1999; Bufon, 2008a; Hrobat
Virloget, 2015; Knez, 2010; Medica, 1998; Orlić, 2009; Raos, 2014; Ru-
miz, 1994; Šantić, 2000; Šuligoj, 2015a; Urošević, 2012; Žerjavić, 1993, p.
633),²¹ and with multilingualism and mixed practices, which identify peo-
ple within their multilingual/multi-ethnic/multi-cultural setting (Skelin
Horvat & Muhvić-Dimanovski, 2012; Urošević, 2012). Istria is thus more
about identification rather than identity as a set of choices, which were
made in the bi-ethnic/multi-ethnic communities, accompanied by con-
stant processes of assimilation, linguistic socialisation and nationalisa-
tion²² (D’Alessio, 2006, pp. 18–19, 23). This process of fusion of identities
and languages was already strongly evident in the past. Austrian national
statistician von Czoernig (1857) – see also Stradner (1903, p. 22) – who
did not forget about the Slovenian population in Istria, described the
population of the region in the following manner:
There one can meet not only Croatised Serbs and Serbised Croats,
but also Croatised Vlachs, and Italianised Croats, Croatised Italians,
of ethnic and cultural differences, distribution of infrastructure and the level of economic
development (Heffner & Solga, 2009, p. 138).
²⁰ See also Verginella (2009b).
²¹ See also in Nejašmić (2014, p. 412), Žerjavić (1993, p. 633), and Klemenčić et al. (1993, p.
613).
²² This does not refer to the action of a government taking control of a business or property.
78
stantly faced in the border areas like Istria, according to Bufon (2007, pp.
220–233), are inferiority and superiority, ethnocentrism and exclusion of
difference, assimilation and acculturation. The latter was also perceived
in the Slovenian-Italian border area in Istria by Zadel and Sedmak (2015,
pp. 164–165) and Zadel (2016).²⁰ All the aforementioned elements have
been affecting the demographic structure of society, which is certainly
different from the rest of Slovenia and Croatia.
5.2 Istrian Identity
Today’s strong identification with the region, which is greater than in
other parts of Slovenia and Croatia, is thus the result of the complex his-
tory, the geographical position on the Upper Adriatic at the junction of
the Latin and Slavic world with open borders, the proximity to devel-
oped and democratic Western Europe, the remoteness from the Balkan
hotspots and the relatively good economic standard. Consequently, the
area is labelled with Istrian multi-ethnicity, multi-culturality, diversity
and hybridity (Ashbrook, 2006; Baskar, 1999; Bufon, 2008a; Hrobat
Virloget, 2015; Knez, 2010; Medica, 1998; Orlić, 2009; Raos, 2014; Ru-
miz, 1994; Šantić, 2000; Šuligoj, 2015a; Urošević, 2012; Žerjavić, 1993, p.
633),²¹ and with multilingualism and mixed practices, which identify peo-
ple within their multilingual/multi-ethnic/multi-cultural setting (Skelin
Horvat & Muhvić-Dimanovski, 2012; Urošević, 2012). Istria is thus more
about identification rather than identity as a set of choices, which were
made in the bi-ethnic/multi-ethnic communities, accompanied by con-
stant processes of assimilation, linguistic socialisation and nationalisa-
tion²² (D’Alessio, 2006, pp. 18–19, 23). This process of fusion of identities
and languages was already strongly evident in the past. Austrian national
statistician von Czoernig (1857) – see also Stradner (1903, p. 22) – who
did not forget about the Slovenian population in Istria, described the
population of the region in the following manner:
There one can meet not only Croatised Serbs and Serbised Croats,
but also Croatised Vlachs, and Italianised Croats, Croatised Italians,
of ethnic and cultural differences, distribution of infrastructure and the level of economic
development (Heffner & Solga, 2009, p. 138).
²⁰ See also Verginella (2009b).
²¹ See also in Nejašmić (2014, p. 412), Žerjavić (1993, p. 633), and Klemenčić et al. (1993, p.
613).
²² This does not refer to the action of a government taking control of a business or property.
78
