Page 106 - Panjek, Aleksander, Jesper Larsson and Luca Mocarelli, eds. 2017. Integrated Peasant Economy in a Comparative Perspective: Alps, Scandinavia and Beyond. Koper: University of Primorska Press
P. 106
integr ated peasant economy in a compar ative perspective
many areas on the plain, through the cultivation of new lands, but especial-
ly through the intensive exploitation of the existing ones.7
The pressure on land had led to the intensification of breeding, but on
the plain the expansion of cultivated lands entailed a considerable reduc-
tion of territories which were collectively exploited, often meadows, pas-
tures and forests, and consequently a reduction – if not quantitative, defi-
nitely qualitative – of livestock (Berengo 1963, 325–37). In the mountains,
on the contrary, an extensive breeding of cattle developed, especially cows,
sheep and goats.
With reference to the secondary sector, there were of course artisans
working in the single villages, as was common in all rural societies. How-
ever the primacy in terms of handicraft and the concentration of most of its
activity were typically in towns.
The domestic production of goods was almost unknown on the Fri-
ulian plain, while in some regions in the mountains spinning from home,
which produced the raw material for weaving, was widespread. As far as
the ‘centred’ industries are concerned, the only example we might refer to is
the mountainous area nearby Tolmezzo (village type 2). Within the histor-
ical and geographical context of those times, the only activity which could
be defined as centred industry was the Linussio factory in Tolmezzo. The
weavers employed there were concentrated in the villages near the plant,
but the weaving activity in these villages was also closely linked to season-
al emigration (Gri 1999).
Coming to the tertiary sector, in particular transport, this was obvi-
ously an activity widespread everywhere, but its development was different
precisely in relation to the structure of society. In the mountains the ample
personal autonomy allowed the creation of a network of professional car-
ters which could carry other people’s products, as well as their own, both
long- and short-distances (Fornasin 2001a; Lorenzini 2015). On the plain,
instead, due to the lack or the limited size of a professional category dedi-
cated to transport, there were only farmers, usually tenants or small own-
ers, who carried foodstuffs, either produced by themselves or grown on the
7 What can be observed, for the stage following directly the one which is currently be-
ing examined, is that the introduction of the potato took place earlier in the moun-
tains than on the plain, although relatively later in comparison with other alpine ar-
eas; see Gri 1999 and overall Gentilcore 2012. On the agricultural intensification
in the mountains, see the classic by Robert McC. Netting (1981) and, in relation to
breeding, see Mathieu 1998.
104
many areas on the plain, through the cultivation of new lands, but especial-
ly through the intensive exploitation of the existing ones.7
The pressure on land had led to the intensification of breeding, but on
the plain the expansion of cultivated lands entailed a considerable reduc-
tion of territories which were collectively exploited, often meadows, pas-
tures and forests, and consequently a reduction – if not quantitative, defi-
nitely qualitative – of livestock (Berengo 1963, 325–37). In the mountains,
on the contrary, an extensive breeding of cattle developed, especially cows,
sheep and goats.
With reference to the secondary sector, there were of course artisans
working in the single villages, as was common in all rural societies. How-
ever the primacy in terms of handicraft and the concentration of most of its
activity were typically in towns.
The domestic production of goods was almost unknown on the Fri-
ulian plain, while in some regions in the mountains spinning from home,
which produced the raw material for weaving, was widespread. As far as
the ‘centred’ industries are concerned, the only example we might refer to is
the mountainous area nearby Tolmezzo (village type 2). Within the histor-
ical and geographical context of those times, the only activity which could
be defined as centred industry was the Linussio factory in Tolmezzo. The
weavers employed there were concentrated in the villages near the plant,
but the weaving activity in these villages was also closely linked to season-
al emigration (Gri 1999).
Coming to the tertiary sector, in particular transport, this was obvi-
ously an activity widespread everywhere, but its development was different
precisely in relation to the structure of society. In the mountains the ample
personal autonomy allowed the creation of a network of professional car-
ters which could carry other people’s products, as well as their own, both
long- and short-distances (Fornasin 2001a; Lorenzini 2015). On the plain,
instead, due to the lack or the limited size of a professional category dedi-
cated to transport, there were only farmers, usually tenants or small own-
ers, who carried foodstuffs, either produced by themselves or grown on the
7 What can be observed, for the stage following directly the one which is currently be-
ing examined, is that the introduction of the potato took place earlier in the moun-
tains than on the plain, although relatively later in comparison with other alpine ar-
eas; see Gri 1999 and overall Gentilcore 2012. On the agricultural intensification
in the mountains, see the classic by Robert McC. Netting (1981) and, in relation to
breeding, see Mathieu 1998.
104
