Page 412 - Panjek, Aleksander, Jesper Larsson and Luca Mocarelli, eds. 2017. Integrated Peasant Economy in a Comparative Perspective: Alps, Scandinavia and Beyond. Koper: University of Primorska Press
P. 412
integr ated peasant economy in a compar ative perspective
small holders, particularly in northern Sweden performed transport-work
in relation to forestry. Alternatively, someone (mostly the man) in the pea-
sant household worked within emerging countryside industries, while the
women cared for the farm. On the other hand, many peasant farmers even
further south owned quite large areas of forests and worked in the forest
during winter off-season in agriculture. Indeed, it was generally typical for
pre- WWII smallholders in Norway and parts of Sweden and Finland to
combine farming with off-farm jobs. Often this meant that the man in the
family worked long periods away from home, in labour-intensive forestry,
in seasonal industries, or, particularly in the Norwegian case, on the sea.
This left women running farms alone and necessitated that they were ready
to do any farm work (Morell 2001; Almås 2002).
In the post-war era much of the wage-working farmhands left, for in-
dustrial or service employment and farming was increasingly mechanised
with tractors, combines and milking machines etc. Increasingly, farms were
worked by farm family labour only, while forest work in the larger compa-
nies was mechanised and increasingly carried out by full year employees.
Still, as by the 1960s, even many substantial family farms could not sup-
port farm families on decent levels without off-farm incomes, the pre-war
pattern was turned upside down. Farmwomen were recruited to wage em-
ployments in the growing (public) service sector, often on a part-time basis.
A pattern evolved where the men performed routine farm tasks, while the
women had public employment, which accounted for most of the house-
hold’s cash incomes, and they only worked occasionally on the farm. In
Norway this has nowadays been interpreted as if the support of farming has
been privatised and internalised inside the farm households (Almås 2002).
Presently, in many cases even two farm family members have jobs in
other sectors. Multitasking still evolves. In Sweden specialisation in grain,
in many areas has reduced the necessary time spent on farm work, and nor-
mally much of the farm family incomes are driven home by non-farm work
by both partners in the family. Farming men are less often engaged in ac-
tual wage employments outside the farm. Instead they are contracted to
use tractors and other machinery in municipal building activities, trans-
port services and snow clearance etc. In Norway only 30% of farm incomes
on average stems from agricultural activity and only 27% of farmers receive
their main income from farming. In Denmark, every third farm was en-
gaged in some non-agricultural entrepreneurial activity and c. 40% of farm
holders and spouses alike were engaged in some kind of off-farm work. In
410
small holders, particularly in northern Sweden performed transport-work
in relation to forestry. Alternatively, someone (mostly the man) in the pea-
sant household worked within emerging countryside industries, while the
women cared for the farm. On the other hand, many peasant farmers even
further south owned quite large areas of forests and worked in the forest
during winter off-season in agriculture. Indeed, it was generally typical for
pre- WWII smallholders in Norway and parts of Sweden and Finland to
combine farming with off-farm jobs. Often this meant that the man in the
family worked long periods away from home, in labour-intensive forestry,
in seasonal industries, or, particularly in the Norwegian case, on the sea.
This left women running farms alone and necessitated that they were ready
to do any farm work (Morell 2001; Almås 2002).
In the post-war era much of the wage-working farmhands left, for in-
dustrial or service employment and farming was increasingly mechanised
with tractors, combines and milking machines etc. Increasingly, farms were
worked by farm family labour only, while forest work in the larger compa-
nies was mechanised and increasingly carried out by full year employees.
Still, as by the 1960s, even many substantial family farms could not sup-
port farm families on decent levels without off-farm incomes, the pre-war
pattern was turned upside down. Farmwomen were recruited to wage em-
ployments in the growing (public) service sector, often on a part-time basis.
A pattern evolved where the men performed routine farm tasks, while the
women had public employment, which accounted for most of the house-
hold’s cash incomes, and they only worked occasionally on the farm. In
Norway this has nowadays been interpreted as if the support of farming has
been privatised and internalised inside the farm households (Almås 2002).
Presently, in many cases even two farm family members have jobs in
other sectors. Multitasking still evolves. In Sweden specialisation in grain,
in many areas has reduced the necessary time spent on farm work, and nor-
mally much of the farm family incomes are driven home by non-farm work
by both partners in the family. Farming men are less often engaged in ac-
tual wage employments outside the farm. Instead they are contracted to
use tractors and other machinery in municipal building activities, trans-
port services and snow clearance etc. In Norway only 30% of farm incomes
on average stems from agricultural activity and only 27% of farmers receive
their main income from farming. In Denmark, every third farm was en-
gaged in some non-agricultural entrepreneurial activity and c. 40% of farm
holders and spouses alike were engaged in some kind of off-farm work. In
410
