Page 40 - Kukanja Gabrijelčič, Mojca, and Maruška Seničar Željeznov, eds. 2018. Teaching Gifted and Talented Children in A New Educational Era. Koper: University of Primorska Press.
P. 40
die G. C. Malotaux-Christophersen, Sven A. C. Mathijssen, and Lianne Hoogeveen
man data (Aljughaiman et al., 2012) was expected, except the rating of artis-
tic talents. Compared to neighbouring countries, Dutch education in arts is
very poor (De Vreede, 2015; Schutgens, 2015). Research shows a positive influ-
ence of arts on economic profit (Schutgens, 2015; De Vreede, 2015), on learn-
ing and on the development of 21st century competences (Bilhartz, Bruhn,
& Olsen, 2000; Elfland, 2002; Ho, Cheung, & Chan, 2003; Hetland & Winner,
2004; Hetland, 2008; Bolduc, 2009; Buys & Miller, 2009; Eisner, 2009; South-
gate & Roscigno,2009; Belfiore & Bennet, 2010; Hallam, 2010; Rapp-Paglizzi,
Stewart, & Rowe, 2011; Van Heusden, 2012). However, the Dutch government
tends to regard arts as a luxury (Marlet, Laverman & Poort, 2007).
To detect impeding presumptions, differences in implicit theories be-
tween boys and girls were examined. Based on the research of Kordes et
al. (2013), a lower rating of ‘talented in mathematics and sciences’ was ex-
pected, if attributed to a female picture. Considering an intelligent person
to be a nerd, while fearing to be regarded as a nerd themselves (Boekaerts,
2003), might be another impeding presumption, having a negative influ-
ence on learning (Chany et al., 2011; Burkley et al., 2009; Dweck et al., 1995;
Ommundsen, 2001; Stoeger, 2009). Students who consider an intelligent per-
son to be a nerd, were expected to rate social skills low, and to draw a person
wearing glasses, an indispensable part of the stereotype of a nerd (Leder,
Forster, & Gerger, 2011).
As programs launched to improve gifted education at primary schools dif-
fer, differences in implicit theories of an intelligent person were expected.
Differences in implicit theories of an intelligent person between students liv-
ing in the city, and students living in rural areas of the Netherlands were in-
vestigated as well. Students living in rural areas, where life is more often in-
fluenced by values of the Bible (Becker & De Hart, 2006) and where less dis-
traction is available, might consider an intelligent person to be hard working
and persistent, a good habit according to the Bible.
Differences in implicit theories of an intelligent person between those
students who speak Dutch or English at home, and those speaking (partly)
another language were investigated as well. Negative role stereotypes con-
cerning those speaking another language at home were expected. Accord-
ing to Trommelen (2001), the Dutch consider people with another (non-
western) cultural background less intelligent. Therefore, these students were
expected to envision an intelligent person as a European and to regard so-
cial skills as a part of intelligence (Sternberg, 2007) as the majority of those
speaking another language at home, came from collectivistic societies.
Finally, recognition of indicators of the DAST (Chambers, 1983) in the pic-
38
man data (Aljughaiman et al., 2012) was expected, except the rating of artis-
tic talents. Compared to neighbouring countries, Dutch education in arts is
very poor (De Vreede, 2015; Schutgens, 2015). Research shows a positive influ-
ence of arts on economic profit (Schutgens, 2015; De Vreede, 2015), on learn-
ing and on the development of 21st century competences (Bilhartz, Bruhn,
& Olsen, 2000; Elfland, 2002; Ho, Cheung, & Chan, 2003; Hetland & Winner,
2004; Hetland, 2008; Bolduc, 2009; Buys & Miller, 2009; Eisner, 2009; South-
gate & Roscigno,2009; Belfiore & Bennet, 2010; Hallam, 2010; Rapp-Paglizzi,
Stewart, & Rowe, 2011; Van Heusden, 2012). However, the Dutch government
tends to regard arts as a luxury (Marlet, Laverman & Poort, 2007).
To detect impeding presumptions, differences in implicit theories be-
tween boys and girls were examined. Based on the research of Kordes et
al. (2013), a lower rating of ‘talented in mathematics and sciences’ was ex-
pected, if attributed to a female picture. Considering an intelligent person
to be a nerd, while fearing to be regarded as a nerd themselves (Boekaerts,
2003), might be another impeding presumption, having a negative influ-
ence on learning (Chany et al., 2011; Burkley et al., 2009; Dweck et al., 1995;
Ommundsen, 2001; Stoeger, 2009). Students who consider an intelligent per-
son to be a nerd, were expected to rate social skills low, and to draw a person
wearing glasses, an indispensable part of the stereotype of a nerd (Leder,
Forster, & Gerger, 2011).
As programs launched to improve gifted education at primary schools dif-
fer, differences in implicit theories of an intelligent person were expected.
Differences in implicit theories of an intelligent person between students liv-
ing in the city, and students living in rural areas of the Netherlands were in-
vestigated as well. Students living in rural areas, where life is more often in-
fluenced by values of the Bible (Becker & De Hart, 2006) and where less dis-
traction is available, might consider an intelligent person to be hard working
and persistent, a good habit according to the Bible.
Differences in implicit theories of an intelligent person between those
students who speak Dutch or English at home, and those speaking (partly)
another language were investigated as well. Negative role stereotypes con-
cerning those speaking another language at home were expected. Accord-
ing to Trommelen (2001), the Dutch consider people with another (non-
western) cultural background less intelligent. Therefore, these students were
expected to envision an intelligent person as a European and to regard so-
cial skills as a part of intelligence (Sternberg, 2007) as the majority of those
speaking another language at home, came from collectivistic societies.
Finally, recognition of indicators of the DAST (Chambers, 1983) in the pic-
38
