Page 32 - S. Ličen, I. Karnjuš, & M. Prosen (Eds.). (2019). Women, migrations and health: Ensuring transcultural healthcare. Koper, University of Primorska Press.
P. 32
ella Urpis
The places where weddings are pre-arranged and the countries where
such practices are still preserved feature a number of dominant cultural fac-
tors which have been identified by the Council for human rights of the United
Nations (Kabasakal Arat, 2008):
– controlling female sexuality in connection with the topic of male honor,
– protecting cultural/religious traditions from modernity,
– the relationship with cultural identity, the sense of belonging and the
identification with one’s country of birth.
In the first case, the causes have to do with forms of cultural pressure in
relation to family and male honor which result in control of female sexual-
ity and virginity, security at an old age – given the lack of a welfare state –
the desire not to lose property. In many cultures the dominant principle of
sexual morality links the honor of a man with the integrity of ‘his woman’
or of ‘his women.’ In order for their chastity to be guaranteed, it is essen-
tial that their sexuality and their lives be controlled very strictly. Regarding
adolescents, their virginity needs to be controlled until they wed, otherwise
the whole family will undergo economic and social ruin (dishonor). Let us
not forget that a marriage contract informally provides for dowry which is
linked directly with the virtues of a woman. Early marriage and any other im-
posed form of marriage is cloaked with considerations on ‘the protection’
of a woman and of her virtues, and minimizes precocious sexual intercourse
and enhances the power of the elderly (parents and grandparents) within the
family and social community. The system of authority remains unaltered and
roles are clearly fixed.
The socialization of this behavior is so strong that even when a woman
chooses to wed a man, she will continues to feel a sense of guilt: ‘In Bangladesh
women wed at the age of 16 and then begin to have children. She will not
have a job, she cooks and looks after her husband. In Bangladesh every-
one talks and everyone knows everything about everyone. When a young
woman weds, she is at the center of all attention in the village. Everyone ob-
serves her and checks whether she is behaving the way she should. Unless
you wed based on your parents’ recommendations or if you are separated
and you live at home with your parents you will be subject to scorn by the
community. You will be the shame of the family. When I was married, I got
pregnant, but then my husband left me, and my brother claimed that I could
not keep a child without a husband and that if I kept my child he would aban-
don the family. My mother also said that if I came back home with a child but
30
The places where weddings are pre-arranged and the countries where
such practices are still preserved feature a number of dominant cultural fac-
tors which have been identified by the Council for human rights of the United
Nations (Kabasakal Arat, 2008):
– controlling female sexuality in connection with the topic of male honor,
– protecting cultural/religious traditions from modernity,
– the relationship with cultural identity, the sense of belonging and the
identification with one’s country of birth.
In the first case, the causes have to do with forms of cultural pressure in
relation to family and male honor which result in control of female sexual-
ity and virginity, security at an old age – given the lack of a welfare state –
the desire not to lose property. In many cultures the dominant principle of
sexual morality links the honor of a man with the integrity of ‘his woman’
or of ‘his women.’ In order for their chastity to be guaranteed, it is essen-
tial that their sexuality and their lives be controlled very strictly. Regarding
adolescents, their virginity needs to be controlled until they wed, otherwise
the whole family will undergo economic and social ruin (dishonor). Let us
not forget that a marriage contract informally provides for dowry which is
linked directly with the virtues of a woman. Early marriage and any other im-
posed form of marriage is cloaked with considerations on ‘the protection’
of a woman and of her virtues, and minimizes precocious sexual intercourse
and enhances the power of the elderly (parents and grandparents) within the
family and social community. The system of authority remains unaltered and
roles are clearly fixed.
The socialization of this behavior is so strong that even when a woman
chooses to wed a man, she will continues to feel a sense of guilt: ‘In Bangladesh
women wed at the age of 16 and then begin to have children. She will not
have a job, she cooks and looks after her husband. In Bangladesh every-
one talks and everyone knows everything about everyone. When a young
woman weds, she is at the center of all attention in the village. Everyone ob-
serves her and checks whether she is behaving the way she should. Unless
you wed based on your parents’ recommendations or if you are separated
and you live at home with your parents you will be subject to scorn by the
community. You will be the shame of the family. When I was married, I got
pregnant, but then my husband left me, and my brother claimed that I could
not keep a child without a husband and that if I kept my child he would aban-
don the family. My mother also said that if I came back home with a child but
30
