Page 34 - S. Ličen, I. Karnjuš, & M. Prosen (Eds.). (2019). Women, migrations and health: Ensuring transcultural healthcare. Koper, University of Primorska Press.
P. 34
ella Urpis
his traditional culture is viewed as a betrayal towards his own country and all
its history.
Let us not forget that a woman’s body belongs to her family and commu-
nity. In politics, identification takes place by means of symbols conveyed by
the female body: ‘This dress belongs to my country, to my people. I must re-
spect my culture because it is my country. One day I want to go back and
be respected for not having changed who I am.’ (A 27-year-old woman from
Bangladesh).
The element of choice is always very problematic and many unions expe-
rience the intervention of the family in the choice of a spouse. The degree
of intervention may be very high, in which case the choice is made by the
family directly, or very open, in which case the candidate may express her
preference among a number of candidates selected by the family.
However, ‘in some cases the differences between forced marriage and pre-
arranged marriage are merely semantic’ (Thomas, 2009, p. 2); psychological
pressure and other forms of manipulation are so strong and binding that they
serve as a deterrent to the woman’s parents’ choice.
If we include in forced weddings all the forms of family or institutional vio-
lence that prevent women from ending a relationship or divorcing, then the
phenomenon is much more vast and complex. No less important are the so-
called ‘structural constraints’ (Danna, 2013), ie poverty, for example, which
causes women to leave everything behind and leave with a migrant or to
marry a man in order to gain citizenship in the host country and benefit from
the social rights acquired through marriage.
In the INTEGRA research project by questionnaire, 77 women at the OB/GYN
clinic of the hospital of Trieste were asked questions about the nature of wed-
dings in their country of origin. When asked about freedom of choice, five
women did not answer whereas 45 women claimed that ‘every individual is
free’ (just over 60). The question, however, confirms that in some coun-
tries ‘choice’ is an issue: nine women were completely denied any choice
or claimed that it was possible only on certain conditions (there is a di-
vide between urban and rural areas) or only in certain types of family (16
respondents). Even though some of the interviewees claim that the situa-
tion is changing, about 35 has lived in areas of the world where forced/pre-
arranged marriage is still current. Most of them are from Bangladesh, Pak-
istan, Morocco, Cameroon. The total number of Bengalese and Pakistani
women admitted that forced marriage is a normal practice still today in their
country.
When asked the following questions: ‘Have you been promised to some-
32
his traditional culture is viewed as a betrayal towards his own country and all
its history.
Let us not forget that a woman’s body belongs to her family and commu-
nity. In politics, identification takes place by means of symbols conveyed by
the female body: ‘This dress belongs to my country, to my people. I must re-
spect my culture because it is my country. One day I want to go back and
be respected for not having changed who I am.’ (A 27-year-old woman from
Bangladesh).
The element of choice is always very problematic and many unions expe-
rience the intervention of the family in the choice of a spouse. The degree
of intervention may be very high, in which case the choice is made by the
family directly, or very open, in which case the candidate may express her
preference among a number of candidates selected by the family.
However, ‘in some cases the differences between forced marriage and pre-
arranged marriage are merely semantic’ (Thomas, 2009, p. 2); psychological
pressure and other forms of manipulation are so strong and binding that they
serve as a deterrent to the woman’s parents’ choice.
If we include in forced weddings all the forms of family or institutional vio-
lence that prevent women from ending a relationship or divorcing, then the
phenomenon is much more vast and complex. No less important are the so-
called ‘structural constraints’ (Danna, 2013), ie poverty, for example, which
causes women to leave everything behind and leave with a migrant or to
marry a man in order to gain citizenship in the host country and benefit from
the social rights acquired through marriage.
In the INTEGRA research project by questionnaire, 77 women at the OB/GYN
clinic of the hospital of Trieste were asked questions about the nature of wed-
dings in their country of origin. When asked about freedom of choice, five
women did not answer whereas 45 women claimed that ‘every individual is
free’ (just over 60). The question, however, confirms that in some coun-
tries ‘choice’ is an issue: nine women were completely denied any choice
or claimed that it was possible only on certain conditions (there is a di-
vide between urban and rural areas) or only in certain types of family (16
respondents). Even though some of the interviewees claim that the situa-
tion is changing, about 35 has lived in areas of the world where forced/pre-
arranged marriage is still current. Most of them are from Bangladesh, Pak-
istan, Morocco, Cameroon. The total number of Bengalese and Pakistani
women admitted that forced marriage is a normal practice still today in their
country.
When asked the following questions: ‘Have you been promised to some-
32
