Page 60 - Studia Universitatis Hereditati, vol 11(2) (2023)
P. 60

The most explicit monument on the identity of   Igoumenitsa, are reputed in the region to speak
               the murderers is the one in the village of Kastri,   an Albanian-speaking dialect, called arvanitika
               which mentions “murdered by Alvano-Cham”    or alvanika, depending on the context, as well
               (δολοφονηθέντων από Αλβανοτσάμηδες). It is per-  as being Orthodox - which means that they are
               haps interesting to note that the two cases men-  sometimes referred to as Greeks (Έλληνες), while
               tioned here, which are the two most explicit des-  others refer to them by their skin colour: black
               ignations of the ethnic identity of the murderers,   (μαύροι) or gypsies (γύφτοι), giving them an eth-
               were found in villages where there are many   nonym that speaks volumes about their sup-
               Orthodox Albanian speakers, confirming that   posed origins (Egypt, according to some). The
               these monuments are part of a desire to “invisibi-  current inhabitants of Asprokklisi, on the for-
               lize” the linguistic difference or, at the very least,   mer lands of the village of Liopsi (the ruins of
               an exit-strategy to separate and distinguish these   which can be seen from the road leading to the
        60     Orthodox Albanian-speaking groups still liv-  Mavromati border post), are divided into three
               ing in Thesprotia from the “Chams”, understood   distinct groups: Gréki, who came from a village
               here as Muslims hostile to Hellenism. Howev-  called Asprokklisi in the mountains of Mourga-  ti
        studia universitatis hereditati, letnik 11 (2023), številka 2 / volume 11 (2023), number 2
               er, the term “Cham” was sometimes presented to   na and are thought to have been displaced dur-
               me in more unexpected ways, going well beyond   ing the civil war; Aromanian Vlachs, who used
               the simple designation of the Albanian-speak-  to winter on the land they rented from the Agas
               ing  Muslims.  In  private,  a  Sagiadini  tells  me   of Liopsi; and Sarakatsani, whose transhumance   ta
               that he is “Cham” to designate his regional be-  lands were located quite far from coastal Thes-
               longing “to Thesprotia, which is a recent name   protia (Grevena and central Thessaly) but whom
               for a region that everyone here knows by its oth-  the Greek state had decided to settle in the re-
               er name ... Chamouria [Τσαμουριά] of course!”   gion. The issues of land redistribution, the re-
               This terminology, that cannot be used in all cir-  composing and repopulation of villages, there-  di
               cumstances, has proved to be accepted at times   fore provide an opportunity to express a kind of
               as an autonym by all the inhabitants of the re-  hierarchy between different groups that made
               gion. These inflections around place names and   up the society of these border areas. Neverthe-
               linguistic, religious, and regional affiliations are   less, other dividing lines run more discreetly
               of great interest. They mark the places, engram-  through  it,  such  as  those  activated  during  the
               ming them with a paradoxical mechanism that   civil war between the nationalists and the com-
               highlights the distortions between the plural re-  munists, even if we noticed during our inter-  here
               ality of border society and the discourses con-  views that they were adapted to the already ex-
               structed by nation-states on the past and space.  isting compositions by opposing sedentary and
                   This is how today, and on various occasions,   transhumant, villages in the hills and villages in
               the inhabitants of Thesprotia sometimes make   the plains, and so on.
               their differences heard once again, for example
               when it comes to establishing the legitimacy of   Conclusion: Towards a (Re)Fragmentation
               each having been allocated land on the plain in   of Border Society?
               the 1950s and 1960s. On this occasion, the Sa-  These few examples from the Greek-Alba-
               giadini can point to their ancient presence and   nian border illustrate the extent to which the
               their complete loyalty to the canons of Hellen-  population of this small border region continues
               ism: orthodoxy and Hellenophony, which is why   to be crisscrossed by lines of tension demarcat-
               they are referred to by the other inhabitants as   ing different categories of inhabitants. This real-               studiauniversitatis
               Gréki.  The  inhabitants  of Smerto  or  Kestrini,   ity has recently been put to the test by the mass
               descendants of the tenant farmers who some-  migration of Albanian citizens to Greece, which
               times came from Agios Vlasios or Kastri near   has undoubtedly helped to update the different
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