Page 418 - Panjek, Aleksander, Jesper Larsson and Luca Mocarelli, eds. 2017. Integrated Peasant Economy in a Comparative Perspective: Alps, Scandinavia and Beyond. Koper: University of Primorska Press
P. 418
integr ated peasant economy in a compar ative perspective
Introduction
The aim of this paper is to present and compare the concepts and practi-
ces of pluriactivity, part-time farming, farm diversification and integrated
and inclusive rural household development in contemporary economics, fo-
cusing on Slovenia. Family farming has always been most important in the
structure of Slovenian agriculture. This dominant role of family farming in
agriculture can vary across different regions and areas with different con-
ditions for agricultural production. Historically, except for forest land are-
as and some flat areas, where land owners were also churches and other
larger land owners, the majority of land has been possessed in different for-
ms, operated and cultivated by individual family farms. They have been of
small-size with traditional peasant farming (Warriner 1963).
Agricultural and land reforms, in the present territory of Slovenia,
have made some changes to the structure of land ownership and land op-
eration, but the main role of family farming in agricultural structures did
not change during the 20th century. Three main agricultural and land re-
forms have been linked to the political and institutional changes follow-
ing the collapse of the previously existing countries: firstly, the collapse
of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy after WWI and the establishment of
the Kingdom of Croats, Serbs and Slovene. The agrarian reform resulted
in limited land distribution among smallholders. Secondly, the established
Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) after WWII, nationalised
the land of churches, big landowners and family farms over the set thresh-
old of the maximum amount of land. In addition to family farms, state or
‘social’ enterprises were created to cultivate state land, and in different di-
rections within the set institutional rules and constraints, compete with
family farms. Finally, the collapse of the former SFRY and the establish-
ment of the Republic of Slovenia as the independent state, which adopted a
restitution law of formerly nationalised land and forest land in kind or in a
form of compensation under the law for eligible former owners (Bojnec and
Swinnen 1997a and 1997b).
Over the last two decades, important structural changes have oc-
curred in Slovenian agriculture. Among them is the decline in the number
of farms. This is particularly valid for medium-sized farms. An increase is
recorded in the number of bigger farms and in their average size (Bojnec
and Latruffe 2013). Not only the buying of land, but particularly the leasing
of land has become an important determinant for the increase in the num-
ber of bigger farms and for the increase in their average land size. This sug-
416
Introduction
The aim of this paper is to present and compare the concepts and practi-
ces of pluriactivity, part-time farming, farm diversification and integrated
and inclusive rural household development in contemporary economics, fo-
cusing on Slovenia. Family farming has always been most important in the
structure of Slovenian agriculture. This dominant role of family farming in
agriculture can vary across different regions and areas with different con-
ditions for agricultural production. Historically, except for forest land are-
as and some flat areas, where land owners were also churches and other
larger land owners, the majority of land has been possessed in different for-
ms, operated and cultivated by individual family farms. They have been of
small-size with traditional peasant farming (Warriner 1963).
Agricultural and land reforms, in the present territory of Slovenia,
have made some changes to the structure of land ownership and land op-
eration, but the main role of family farming in agricultural structures did
not change during the 20th century. Three main agricultural and land re-
forms have been linked to the political and institutional changes follow-
ing the collapse of the previously existing countries: firstly, the collapse
of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy after WWI and the establishment of
the Kingdom of Croats, Serbs and Slovene. The agrarian reform resulted
in limited land distribution among smallholders. Secondly, the established
Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) after WWII, nationalised
the land of churches, big landowners and family farms over the set thresh-
old of the maximum amount of land. In addition to family farms, state or
‘social’ enterprises were created to cultivate state land, and in different di-
rections within the set institutional rules and constraints, compete with
family farms. Finally, the collapse of the former SFRY and the establish-
ment of the Republic of Slovenia as the independent state, which adopted a
restitution law of formerly nationalised land and forest land in kind or in a
form of compensation under the law for eligible former owners (Bojnec and
Swinnen 1997a and 1997b).
Over the last two decades, important structural changes have oc-
curred in Slovenian agriculture. Among them is the decline in the number
of farms. This is particularly valid for medium-sized farms. An increase is
recorded in the number of bigger farms and in their average size (Bojnec
and Latruffe 2013). Not only the buying of land, but particularly the leasing
of land has become an important determinant for the increase in the num-
ber of bigger farms and for the increase in their average land size. This sug-
416
