Page 94 - Dark Shades of Istria
P. 94
Trans-Border Region of Istria
Pula; moreover, local Italian anti-fascists were, as partisans, equally in-
cluded in the liberation of other Istrian cities, which clearly shows that
not all Italians were oriented against the Slavs or supported fascism.⁶⁷
Slavic and Italian anti-fascists (often members of the Italian and Croat-
ian Communist Party) were, however, not always concordant; relations
were occasionally tense and some Italians were even executed (foibe) be-
cause of their pro-Italian views, e.g. Giacomo Macillis and Lelio Zus-
tovich, a trade unionist and a communist from Labin (Scotti, 2008, pp.
129, 140–146, 198).⁶⁸ As already mentioned, the violence of the foreign
enemy, the liberation struggle, cross-national disagreements, the social-
ist revolution and similar disagreements thus caused complete confusion
and death throughout Istria – see also Verginella (2009a).
The arrival of the Allied forces into Pula in June 1945 led to the division
of the population into those who argued for the annexation to Italy (in-
terpreted as a place of democracy and better life) or to Yugoslavia (inter-
preted as a place of communism/socialism and poverty), a division which
was present also in other parts of the region. This resulted in the society
facing violence,⁶⁹ which was further deepened by the poverty/famine and
major accidents among the residents. On 12 January 1946, an explosives
depot blew up in Valelunga, followed by other explosions. After those
in Vargarola (Vergarolla) in August 1946, pro-Italian forces launched a
campaign to blame the ‘followers of Tito’ for a terrorist act and encour-
aged the Italian population towards emigration/exodus (Altin & Badu-
rina, 2017; Dukovski, 2010; Kosmač, 2017).⁷⁰ A symbolic dimension of the
exodus was the exhumation and transfer of irredentist and hero Nazario
Sauro’s remains to Italy (see Kosmač, 2017, pp. 10–11); Figure 5.3 shows
his former grave in the naval cemetery in Pula. In this post-war period,
Istrian coastal towns represented strong centres of the Italian irreden-
⁶⁷ More can be found in Scotti and Giuricin (1979) and in Scotti (2008).
⁶⁸ Anti-fascists of Italian nationality were divided into those who fought for the liberation
from nazi-fascism and those who fought together with the Slavs for joining Yugoslavia
(Cogoy, 2009, p. 15).
⁶⁹ See also Ashbrook (2006) and Dukovski (2011b).
⁷⁰ According to Purini (2010, pp. 223–224), ethnic cleansing is the usual understanding of
the exodus in Italy; the pro-Italian propaganda also calls it ‘national genocide’ or the ‘Ju-
lian holocaust;’ see also Cogoy (2009, pp. 16–17). In addition to the term foibe – see the
previous sub-chapter – this is another terminological inconsistency or even manipula-
tion, which causes social and political disagreements, and complicates investigations in
the social sciences and humanities.
94
Pula; moreover, local Italian anti-fascists were, as partisans, equally in-
cluded in the liberation of other Istrian cities, which clearly shows that
not all Italians were oriented against the Slavs or supported fascism.⁶⁷
Slavic and Italian anti-fascists (often members of the Italian and Croat-
ian Communist Party) were, however, not always concordant; relations
were occasionally tense and some Italians were even executed (foibe) be-
cause of their pro-Italian views, e.g. Giacomo Macillis and Lelio Zus-
tovich, a trade unionist and a communist from Labin (Scotti, 2008, pp.
129, 140–146, 198).⁶⁸ As already mentioned, the violence of the foreign
enemy, the liberation struggle, cross-national disagreements, the social-
ist revolution and similar disagreements thus caused complete confusion
and death throughout Istria – see also Verginella (2009a).
The arrival of the Allied forces into Pula in June 1945 led to the division
of the population into those who argued for the annexation to Italy (in-
terpreted as a place of democracy and better life) or to Yugoslavia (inter-
preted as a place of communism/socialism and poverty), a division which
was present also in other parts of the region. This resulted in the society
facing violence,⁶⁹ which was further deepened by the poverty/famine and
major accidents among the residents. On 12 January 1946, an explosives
depot blew up in Valelunga, followed by other explosions. After those
in Vargarola (Vergarolla) in August 1946, pro-Italian forces launched a
campaign to blame the ‘followers of Tito’ for a terrorist act and encour-
aged the Italian population towards emigration/exodus (Altin & Badu-
rina, 2017; Dukovski, 2010; Kosmač, 2017).⁷⁰ A symbolic dimension of the
exodus was the exhumation and transfer of irredentist and hero Nazario
Sauro’s remains to Italy (see Kosmač, 2017, pp. 10–11); Figure 5.3 shows
his former grave in the naval cemetery in Pula. In this post-war period,
Istrian coastal towns represented strong centres of the Italian irreden-
⁶⁷ More can be found in Scotti and Giuricin (1979) and in Scotti (2008).
⁶⁸ Anti-fascists of Italian nationality were divided into those who fought for the liberation
from nazi-fascism and those who fought together with the Slavs for joining Yugoslavia
(Cogoy, 2009, p. 15).
⁶⁹ See also Ashbrook (2006) and Dukovski (2011b).
⁷⁰ According to Purini (2010, pp. 223–224), ethnic cleansing is the usual understanding of
the exodus in Italy; the pro-Italian propaganda also calls it ‘national genocide’ or the ‘Ju-
lian holocaust;’ see also Cogoy (2009, pp. 16–17). In addition to the term foibe – see the
previous sub-chapter – this is another terminological inconsistency or even manipula-
tion, which causes social and political disagreements, and complicates investigations in
the social sciences and humanities.
94
