Page 98 - Dark Shades of Istria
P. 98
Trans-Border Region of Istria
The economic situation improved considerably after the resolution of
the first border disputes between Italy and the Second Yugoslavia in the
first half of 1950s, although this was not quickly reflected in the payment
of Istrian workers (Šarić, 2015, pp. 203–204). The post-war reconstruc-
tion of the infrastructure began immediately after the end of the war in
1945 (Šuligoj, 2015a, p. 31); the nationalisation of private property sig-
nificantly marked the socio-economic development.⁷⁷ Besides the tra-
ditional industries such as shipbuilding (the Uljanik Shipyard in Pula
and the Izola Shipyard), the coal mining industry (in Labin, Raša, Pot-
pićan and Sečovlje),⁷⁸ fishing and the fishing industry in Rovinj and Izola,
production of cement (in Koromačno, Pula and Umag), ports in Koper
and Pula, agriculture (livestock breeding, viticulture, olive growing, fruit
growing, vegetable production) and some other industrial activities, as
well as tourism as a traditional service activity of the Istrian coast, were
gaining in importance (Akilić, 2012; Blažević, 1984; Klemenčić et al., 1993,
pp. 612; Šuligoj, 2015a, pp. 31–34; Žerjavić, 1993, p. 644).⁷⁹ The main Is-
trian tourist centres such as Portorož, Umag, Novigrad, Poreč, Rovinj,
Pula with the Brijuni islands,⁸⁰ and Opatija (only geographically in Is-
tria) achieved, especially during the summer months, an enviable num-
ber of tourist arrivals. Not to be ignored in the context of militarisation
is the large ypa holiday complex ‘13. maj’ (Vojno odmaralište ‘13. maj’) in
Fažana near Pula, which was, in addition to the members of the Yugoslav
Armed Forces, also available to domestic and foreign tourists.
With its multiplicative effects (although without democracy and en-
trepreneurial freedom in the time of socialism), tourism had greatly
helped the economic progress of the region, which is the most devel-
oped in Slovenia and Croatia, and comprises the main tourist destina-
tions in both countries to this day – see Žerjavić (1993, p. 645), Pipan
(2007, pp. 226–227), Akilić (2012), Šuligoj and Medarić (2015), and Zavod
za prostorno uređenje Istarske županije (2016); many of the main tourist
attractions are listed in the introductory chapter.
Economic progress, the raising of the standard of living of the popu-
⁷⁷ Veraja (2013, pp. 228–230) problematised the post-war nationalisation of church property
in Istria.
⁷⁸ Strongly supported by the fascist regime until 1943.
⁷⁹ More can be found in Blažević (1987) and Šuligoj and Medarić (2015).
⁸⁰ More about the Brijuni islands, their history and their urban and architectural genesis
can be found in Dumbović Bilušić et al. (2015).
98
The economic situation improved considerably after the resolution of
the first border disputes between Italy and the Second Yugoslavia in the
first half of 1950s, although this was not quickly reflected in the payment
of Istrian workers (Šarić, 2015, pp. 203–204). The post-war reconstruc-
tion of the infrastructure began immediately after the end of the war in
1945 (Šuligoj, 2015a, p. 31); the nationalisation of private property sig-
nificantly marked the socio-economic development.⁷⁷ Besides the tra-
ditional industries such as shipbuilding (the Uljanik Shipyard in Pula
and the Izola Shipyard), the coal mining industry (in Labin, Raša, Pot-
pićan and Sečovlje),⁷⁸ fishing and the fishing industry in Rovinj and Izola,
production of cement (in Koromačno, Pula and Umag), ports in Koper
and Pula, agriculture (livestock breeding, viticulture, olive growing, fruit
growing, vegetable production) and some other industrial activities, as
well as tourism as a traditional service activity of the Istrian coast, were
gaining in importance (Akilić, 2012; Blažević, 1984; Klemenčić et al., 1993,
pp. 612; Šuligoj, 2015a, pp. 31–34; Žerjavić, 1993, p. 644).⁷⁹ The main Is-
trian tourist centres such as Portorož, Umag, Novigrad, Poreč, Rovinj,
Pula with the Brijuni islands,⁸⁰ and Opatija (only geographically in Is-
tria) achieved, especially during the summer months, an enviable num-
ber of tourist arrivals. Not to be ignored in the context of militarisation
is the large ypa holiday complex ‘13. maj’ (Vojno odmaralište ‘13. maj’) in
Fažana near Pula, which was, in addition to the members of the Yugoslav
Armed Forces, also available to domestic and foreign tourists.
With its multiplicative effects (although without democracy and en-
trepreneurial freedom in the time of socialism), tourism had greatly
helped the economic progress of the region, which is the most devel-
oped in Slovenia and Croatia, and comprises the main tourist destina-
tions in both countries to this day – see Žerjavić (1993, p. 645), Pipan
(2007, pp. 226–227), Akilić (2012), Šuligoj and Medarić (2015), and Zavod
za prostorno uređenje Istarske županije (2016); many of the main tourist
attractions are listed in the introductory chapter.
Economic progress, the raising of the standard of living of the popu-
⁷⁷ Veraja (2013, pp. 228–230) problematised the post-war nationalisation of church property
in Istria.
⁷⁸ Strongly supported by the fascist regime until 1943.
⁷⁹ More can be found in Blažević (1987) and Šuligoj and Medarić (2015).
⁸⁰ More about the Brijuni islands, their history and their urban and architectural genesis
can be found in Dumbović Bilušić et al. (2015).
98
