Page 97 - Dark Shades of Istria
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5.3 Region of Istria: A Brief Historical Overview
ism),⁷⁴ the exodus of the Italians⁷⁵ – the third major migration wave in the
20th century caused by conflict – and the immigration of Slavic people
from other Yugoslav republics,⁷⁶ significantly influenced the social and
economic development – see also Purini (2012), Hrobat Virloget (2015),
Šarić (2015) and Oblak Moscarda (2016).
In the wider context, the President of the Second Yugoslavia (Josip
Broz Tito) was completely aware of the strategic position of Istria on
the ‘sensitive’ western border of the federation, particularly in the early
years of the Cold War (Ashbrook, 2006, p. 5). Interestingly, Rusinow
(1963a), D’Alessio (2012a) and Pirjevec (2015) understood the defining of
the Italian-Yugoslav border and the Trieste question as some kind of first
battle of the Cold War, while Altin and Badurina (2017, p. 318) understand
it as a local extension of wwi i. Thus, the constant militarisation of the Is-
trian peninsula during the Yugoslav period can be seen as a logical conse-
quence of this situation. In accordance with the then applicable Yugoslav
rules, including those at republic level, e.g. the Croatian national defence
law of 1991 (Zakon o općenarodnoj obrani (pročišćeni tekst) 1990) and
the Slovenian law on general people’s defence and social self-protection of
1982 (Zakon o splošni ljudski obrambi in družbeni samozaščiti 1982), Ter-
ritorial Defence warehouses and other facilities were established in each
municipality. They may have also been located in the Yugoslav people’s
army’s military complexes, in police buildings and some working organi-
sations (hf, 2015). In any case, the main Istrian military complexes of the
Yugoslav people’s army (ypa) were based in Pula (also the centre of the
Military-Maritime Sector) and Pazin. In total, more than 150 military fa-
cilities were located in Istria in 1991 (Majušević, 2012, p. 446). A particular
peculiarity of Istria was the Brijuni Islands with Tito’s summer residence
and, consequently, an increased presence of the police and intelligence
services in this part of the peninsula.
⁷⁴ The study uses the term ‘totalitarian regime’ uniformly for all such regimes of the 20th
century, although this may not always be entirely appropriate from the political science
perspective. More about totalitarianism and authoritarianism in the Second Yugoslavia
can be found in Flere (2012) and Vladisavljević (2008).
⁷⁵ Including political emigrants of Slavic origins – see Bufon (2009b, p. 460), Pipan (2007,
pp. 226–227, 237), Purini (2012, p. 425) and Šarić (2015). Italians were members and fol-
lowers of the fascist party and capitalists. According to Orlić (2012, pp. 20–21), in the
Istrian example, nationality was not the main cause of migration.
⁷⁶ See also Žerjavić (1993), Klemenčić et al. (1993), Nejašmić (2014), Medica (2011, p. 250),
Violante (2009) and Bufon (2008c).
97
ism),⁷⁴ the exodus of the Italians⁷⁵ – the third major migration wave in the
20th century caused by conflict – and the immigration of Slavic people
from other Yugoslav republics,⁷⁶ significantly influenced the social and
economic development – see also Purini (2012), Hrobat Virloget (2015),
Šarić (2015) and Oblak Moscarda (2016).
In the wider context, the President of the Second Yugoslavia (Josip
Broz Tito) was completely aware of the strategic position of Istria on
the ‘sensitive’ western border of the federation, particularly in the early
years of the Cold War (Ashbrook, 2006, p. 5). Interestingly, Rusinow
(1963a), D’Alessio (2012a) and Pirjevec (2015) understood the defining of
the Italian-Yugoslav border and the Trieste question as some kind of first
battle of the Cold War, while Altin and Badurina (2017, p. 318) understand
it as a local extension of wwi i. Thus, the constant militarisation of the Is-
trian peninsula during the Yugoslav period can be seen as a logical conse-
quence of this situation. In accordance with the then applicable Yugoslav
rules, including those at republic level, e.g. the Croatian national defence
law of 1991 (Zakon o općenarodnoj obrani (pročišćeni tekst) 1990) and
the Slovenian law on general people’s defence and social self-protection of
1982 (Zakon o splošni ljudski obrambi in družbeni samozaščiti 1982), Ter-
ritorial Defence warehouses and other facilities were established in each
municipality. They may have also been located in the Yugoslav people’s
army’s military complexes, in police buildings and some working organi-
sations (hf, 2015). In any case, the main Istrian military complexes of the
Yugoslav people’s army (ypa) were based in Pula (also the centre of the
Military-Maritime Sector) and Pazin. In total, more than 150 military fa-
cilities were located in Istria in 1991 (Majušević, 2012, p. 446). A particular
peculiarity of Istria was the Brijuni Islands with Tito’s summer residence
and, consequently, an increased presence of the police and intelligence
services in this part of the peninsula.
⁷⁴ The study uses the term ‘totalitarian regime’ uniformly for all such regimes of the 20th
century, although this may not always be entirely appropriate from the political science
perspective. More about totalitarianism and authoritarianism in the Second Yugoslavia
can be found in Flere (2012) and Vladisavljević (2008).
⁷⁵ Including political emigrants of Slavic origins – see Bufon (2009b, p. 460), Pipan (2007,
pp. 226–227, 237), Purini (2012, p. 425) and Šarić (2015). Italians were members and fol-
lowers of the fascist party and capitalists. According to Orlić (2012, pp. 20–21), in the
Istrian example, nationality was not the main cause of migration.
⁷⁶ See also Žerjavić (1993), Klemenčić et al. (1993), Nejašmić (2014), Medica (2011, p. 250),
Violante (2009) and Bufon (2008c).
97
