Page 137 - Studia Universitatis Hereditati, vol 11(2) (2023)

In terms of his ideological and political years in the most radical irredentist circles (Cat-
thoughts, Nazario Sauro was initially a support- taruzza 2005, 71–79). The movement of the ir-
er of the socialists but distanced himself from redentist lands was profoundly transformed by
them because of their anti-militarist stance. He the popularisation of nationalist and imperialist
established close contacts with Vico Predonzani ideas. From its original strict territorial limita-
and the aforementioned Riego Gambini and ad- tion, it acquired a new importance for the Ital-
vocated the creation of a socialist Mazzinian fas- ian political and military leadership of the time,
cio, which eventually became the ‘Istrian Youth due to the major political changes before, during
Fascio’ with its headquarters in the Tacco Pal- and after World War I. From national antago-
ace in Koper. Due to the age limit of 24, Sau- nisms under Austrian rule, it evolved into strong
ro did not formally join it but regularly attended support for interventionism and developed as a
meetings. Informal meetings of the young irre- handy instrument for achieving foreign politi-
dentists of Koper were frequently held in Sau- cal and military goals. The irredentist circles be- 137
ro’s cabin on the steamer San Giusto while sail-
came a tool and a striking force for the interven-
ti ing (Sauro 2017, 56–57). It would be superficial tionist phenomenon and created the basis for
fascist ideology to flourish and establish itself
to characterise Sauro’s ideological thoughts as
merely traditional irredentist, aimed at defend- even before the March on Rome. In his rheto-
ta towns and their institutions. From the surviving War I as the beginning of the fascist revolution,
ric, Mussolini described Italy’s entry into World
ing the Italian identity of the Istrian coastal
so the role of the war, which cost Italy 651,000
sources, we can conclude that Sauro was strongly
lives, was presented by the fascist regime as re-
inspired by Mazzini’s ideas of the Risorgimento,
di which were diametrically opposed to the mili- generation (Mortara 1925, 28–29).
tant slogans and precepts of the national inter-
Italian nationalism did not subside after
ventionist circles of the Italian right at the time.
World War I, which ended in victory and the re-
However, it must be understood that by the time
war broke out, irredentism had gradually ac- alisation of the ideal. Instead, it intensified and
strengthened its former anti-Slavic orientation.
here and consolidated in the state institutions, mov- of Italian identity, even after the annexation to the historical background to the erection of the monument to nazario sauro in koper ...
quired a strong nationalist ideological-political
The policy of national defence was therefore seen
connotation, which was increasingly identified
as the only appropriate policy for the protection
ing away from classical irredentism. Under the
Italy. As there were no longer any real historical
influence of interventionist circles, the idea of
reasons for it, national defence became a formula
that was able to gather the consensus of the ma-
cultural domination was replaced by theses sim-
ilar to those published by Ruggero Timeus-Fau-
ro in his pamphlet entitled Trieste. He empha-
ing the danger to national identity. On the other
studiauniversitatis
sised the aspect of national defence with the aim jority of the population by artificially emphasis-
hand, this formula fostered radicalisation in the
of extending Italy into Balkan territory within maximalist sense among a large part of the pro-
the framework of imperialist logic (Cattaruzza letariat of Trieste, and radicalisation in the na-
2005, 71–79). The latter was ‘spiced up’ by Ga- tionalist sense among the Slavic population of
briele D’Annunzio with his picturesque prose the Julian March. In this tense atmosphere, fas-
and punchy slogans, thus displacing the ide- cism found fertile ground for its development. In
as of cultural irredentism, which drew its inspi- almost all the territories annexed after the war,
ration from the concepts of Mazzini and Marx it was able to present itself as a defender of vic-
(Seton-Watson 1967, 409–427). The outbreak of tory and its fruits (Ara and Magris 2001, 147).
World War I brought about a strong radicalisa- The systematic construction of the memory of
tion in Italian cultural and political life, acceler- the Great War was consequently reflected in the
ating processes that had emerged in the pre-war ‘fascisation’ of the cultural landscape (Bosworth