Page 46 - Studia Universitatis Hereditati, vol 11(2) (2023)
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On the Greek side, the massive investment   out this period, the heterogeneous groups that
               in the Northern Epirus theme by the neo-Nazi   formed frontier society had to position them-
               party Golden Dawn, which has seen numerous   selves according to political turbulences, some-
               electoral successes since the start of the financial     times despite other long-term realities, and their
               crisis, has also led to protests in the border re-  sense  of  belonging  was  gradually  reshaped  by
               gion. In September 2013, a Greek neo-Nazi MP,   dominant simplifying discourses. What is more,
               Christos Papas, declared during a blockade of   these transformations have had numerous conse-
               the Kakavia border post between the two coun-  quences for the presence of several communities
               tries: “We have come to this artificial border to   whose fate has been upturned by the new polit-
               affirm our struggle for the liberation of North-  ical realities of this contested border. This is the
               ern Epirus” (i.e., Southern Albania). In 2013,   case, for example, of various Albanian-speaking
               members of this same party tried to establish a   groups from Epirus who found themselves in
        46     branch of their movement in the city of Hima-  Greek territory from 1912 onwards, and whose
               ra in Southern Albania, where the presence of a   stories will be discussed in this text. In this way,
               Greek minority is subject to debate, sparking a   this Greco-Albanian example was a good illus-  ti
        studia universitatis hereditati, letnik 11 (2023), številka 2 / volume 11 (2023), number 2
               strong reaction from the population and the po-  tration of a “world of sovereign states [...] divided
               lice. On all of these points, solutions do not seem   by boundaries” (Taylor 1993, 164), where states
               to have been found yet, and public opinion ap-  play a dominant role in the territory homogene-
               pears to be increasingly sensitive to them. This   ity, and borders are a key medium for exercising   ta
               same distrust is reflected on the border from the   territoriality, practicing sovereignty, and main-
               start of the migrant crisis in the summer of 2015   taining socio-spatial control (Agnew 2009). Fur-
               since, starting from March 20, 2016, and at the   thermore, the border serves as a powerful tool
               request of the authorities in Tirana, Italian po-  for the process of “spatial socialization” (Paa-
               lice  officers  came  to  reinforce  their  Albanian   si 1996), meaning the imposition of identity dis-  di
               counterparts on the country’s southern border   courses as it is a crucial element of state territo-
               due to the anticipated uncontrolled flow of mi-  ry. From this standpoint, the border landscape is
               grants from the Greek-Macedonian border to It-  the instrument and expression of the territorial-
               aly through Albania. Although these transfers   ity used to govern state spaces (Paasi 2012), rein-
               did not materialize, largely due to the significant   forcing the national community as a distinct and
               reduction in entries into Greece, this Italian-Al-  enclosed entity.
               banian collaboration is indicative of the tension   However, nowadays, the development of   here
               with Greece on the border issue.            cross-border and transnational processes that
                                                           are increasingly significant questions the links
               Research Problem                            between national spaces and people’s identities
               Obviously, these historical developments have   (Gupta and Ferguson 1992). As Massey (1995)
               not been without effect on the populations liv-  stated, borders are more and more crossed in
               ing in the regions around the Greek-Albanian   the current world characterized by connections.
               border. They have been massively affected by the   This perspective suggests that borders are not an-
               powerful polarization movements implied local-  ymore to be found only in border areas, but they
               ly by the application of national discourses. In   are located in broader social practices and soci-
               this perspective, the Greco-Albanian borderland   eties, and increasingly even in the global space
               is an illustrative case of what Michel Roux (2001)   (Amilhat Szary and Fourny 2006; Häkli and
               calls “identity capture”, i.e. the alignment of lo-  Kaplan 2002; Newman and Paasi 1998; Pope-                       studiauniversitatis
               cal particularities through the simplification/  scu 2011; Wastl-Walter 2012; Wilson and Don-
               structuring of discourses of belonging around   nan 2012). But, on a local level, people who live
               binary oppositions between nations. Through-  in relation to borders are highly determined by
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